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MANUAL OF LINGUISTICS, 



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MANUAL OF LINGUISTICS 



A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF GENERAL AND ENGLISH 

PHONOLOGY, WITH SUPPLEMENTARY 

CHAPTERS ON KINDRED TOPICS 



BY 



JOHN CLARK, M.A. 

SECOND CLASSICAL MASTER IN THE HIGH SCHOOL OF DUNDEE 



' <l>a)f 77 Koi \p6<poi erepov icm/ 

ARISTOTLE. 



New York: G P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

Edinburgh : JAMES THIN 

1893 



P5?3 
C53 



CORRIGENDUM. 
Page Ixvii., line 4. Y ox pithless stem read stemless pith. 



PREFACE. 



I HAVE been told and believe that a book written on the 
lines of the present one is a desideratum. 

Certainly, if a correct knowledge of the whence and the 
wherefore of words have its uses, no one who wishes or is 
constrained to be a full man in such things can afford to 
dispense with a knowledge of the facts that I have here 
tried to set forth. 

It has been my object to produce a volume that will, 
with fair completeness, and in moderate compass, present the 
main results of modern phonology. I have also sought to 
round it off by the addition of such supplementary matter 
as may usefully accompany the main theme. 

Phonology is a precise science, as precise as the most 
fastidious precisian could desire. It is based on truth, it 
is buttressed by law. If it has its farthing facts, it has also 
its solid generalisations. In any case, it is indispensable in 
linguistic research, which, involving as it does a knowledge 
' of principle, ought to be appraised above mere dictionary 
J etymologising. 

sj I trust that this book will be found useful by any one 

s) who wishes to devote some time and attention to the 
former. 

I have built mainly on Brugmann and Sweet. Mr. May- 
hew's Old English Phonology and Mr. Wharton's Etyma 
"jV Latina I have found very helpful. To all Mr. Skeat's books. 



vi Preface. 

besides direct help, I owe much in the way of momentum. 
Many contributions to the American Journal of Philology 
have given me assistance. I think I have generally 
acknowledged direct help. At all events I cite my authori- 
ties. I must not forget to mention how much I have 
profited by a perusal of Strong's translation of Paul's 
Principles. From Wheeler's pamphlet on Analogy I have 
got many hints and illustrations. 

That this book is free from blunders I have not the 
presumption to hope. There must be in it many traces of 
etymological Aberglaube. It would be an easy thing to 
describe it as consisting of bits of etymological caviare 
indifferently dressed. With regard to the dressing I plead 
guilty in advance. It might have been in more competent 
hands. Conaiywr temies grandia. 

As for errors in execution and detail, I have to say that 
this book covers a wide field, and that one man's judg- 
ment and one pair of eyes are fallible. 

It will be an advantage to read, or, at all events, to glance 
at Chapter V., before reading the others. It contains a 
description of many sound-processes that are assumed in 
previous chapters. 

Special characters are explained at the proper places. 
Some of them are necessarily used in advance of their ex- 
planation. Pages 13, 14, 27, 32, 51, 75, 84, and 93 con- 
tain allusions to such characters. I mean the Index to 
supply cross-references that may only be hinted at and not 
paged. The English words in Chapters VIII. and IX. are 
separately indexed. 

JOHN CLARK. 
Dundee, May 1893. 



AUTHORITIES. 

Behaghel : Historical Grammar of the German Language. Translated 

by Trechmann. 1891. 
Bell : Sounds and their Relations. 1S82. 

Bohtlingk : Sanskrit-Worterbuch in kiirzerer Fassung. 1879-1889. 
Breal and Bailly : Dictionnaire etymologique latin. 1885. 
Brugmann : Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages. 

Translated by Wright, Conway, and Rouse. 1888-1892. 
Btilbring : Ablaut in the Modern Dialects of the South of England. 

Translated by Badham. 189 1. 
Collitz : Die neueste Sprachforschung und die Erklarung des indoger- 

manischen Ablautes. 1886. 
Conway : Verner's Law in Italy. 1887. 

Cook : The Phonological Investigation of Old English. 1888. 
Curti : Die Sprachschopfung. Versuch einer Embryologie der mensch- 

lichen Sprache. 1890. 
Darbishire : Notes on the Spiritus Asper in Greek. 1889. 
Delbriick : Introduction to the Study of Language. Translated by 

Channing. 1882. 
Douse : Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas. 18S6. 
Ellis: Early English Pronunciation. 1869-1889. 
Ettmiiller : Lexicon Anglo-Saxonicum. 185 1. 
Fennell : Indo-European Vowel-System. 1889. 
Fick : Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen. 

1874. 

Grassmann : Ueber die Aspiraten und ihr gleichzeitiges Vorhandensein 
im An- und Auslaut der Wurzeln ; Ueber das ursprlingliche Vor- 
handensein von Wurzeln, deren Aniaut und Auslaut eine Aspirate 
entheilt. Kuhn's Zeitschrift, Vol. XII. 

Henry : Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Translated by 
Elliott. 1S90. 

Henry : Etude sur I'Analogie en general. 1883. 

King and Cookson : Sounds and Inflections in Greek and Latin. 1888. 

Kluge : Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache. 1889. 

Mayhew : Synopsis of Old English Phonology. 1891. 

Mayhew and Skeat : Dictionary of Middle English. 1888. 

Merlo : Ragione del permanere dell' A e del suo mutarsi in E(0) tin 
dair eta protoariana. 1S87. 

Muller : Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners. 1870. 



viii AtUhorities. 

Murray : New English Dictionary. 

Murray: Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland. 1873. 

Oliphant : Old and Middle English. 1891. 

Paul : Principles of Language. Translated by Strong. 1888. 

Paul: Grundriss der germanischen Philologie. 1891. 

Pezzi : La Lingua Greca Antica. 18S8. 

Sayce : Principles of Comparative Philology. 1875. 

Sayce : Introduction to the Science of Language. 1890. 

Schrader : Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples. Translated by 

Jevons. 1890. 
Schweizer-.Sidler : Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache. 1888. 
Sievers : Old English Grammar. Translated by Cook. 1887. 
Skeat : Etymological Dictionary. 1882. 
Skeat : Moeso-Gothic Glossary. 1868. 
Skeat : Principles of English Etymology. First and Second Series. 

1887-1891. 
Strong and Meyer : History of the German Language. 1886. 
Strong, Logeman, and Wheeler : Introduction to the Study of the 

History of Language. 1891. 
Sweet : History of English Sounds. 1888. 
Sweet : History of English Sounds. 1874. 
Sweet: Handbook of Phonetics. 1877. 
Sweet : Primer of Phonetics. 1890. 
Sweet: First Middle English Primer. 1891. 
Sweet : Second Middle English Primer. 1886. 
Sweet : New English Grammar. Vol. I. 1892. 
Taylor : The Alphabet. 1883. 
Taylor: The Origin of the Aryans. 18S9. 
VaniJek : Etymologisches Worterbuch. 1877. 
Verner : Eine Ausnahme der ersten Lautverschiebung. Kuhn's 

Zeitschrift, Vol. XXIII. 
Weigand : Deutsches Worterbuch. 1881. 
Wharton : Etyma Latina. 1890. 

Wheeler : Analogy and the Scope of its Application in Language. 1S87, 
Whitney : Sanskrit Grammar. 1889. 
Wright : Old Pligh German Primer. 1888. 
Wright : A Primer of the Gothic Language. 1S92. 



The American Journal of Philology. 

The Classical Review. 

The Academy. 

Indogermanische Forschungen. Edited by Brugmann and Streitberg. 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The Aryans— Their Culture and Original Home. 
The Origin of Speech. 

The old account of Aryan civilisation. Its assumptions. The data 
found in language. Caution in drawing inferences. The wave 
theory of Schmidt. The pedigree theory. Account of the wave 
theory. Missing links in language. Advantages of the wave 
theory. Resemblances in language. Defects of the pedigree 
theory. Uniformity in the parent speech. The vocabulary of the 
parent speech. Archaism in the Aryan languages. Difficulties in 
the way of the reconstruction of the original tongue. Aryan 
civilisation — metals and weapons, agriculture, dwellings, clothing, 
food and drink, trade. Aryan civilisation — names of kin, ideas 
about the gods and the hereafter, the mode of computing time. 
The animals, the birds, and the trees of the primeval epoch. 
Common words for fish. Common tree names. Common names 
for water and its manifestations. The original home. The case 
for Asia. Various locations of the original home. J. Schmidt 
and an Asiatic site. Schrader's theory of the original home. 
The seat of European common culture. The seat of Iranian 
common culture. The scene of the Aryan joint life. Hirt's 
criticism of Schrader's theory. The Aryans and race-mixture. 
Physical characteristics of the Aryans. The beginnings of speech. 
The units of primal speech. Inflections. Roots. The first words. 
Their character and mode of manufacture. Impressions and 
names. The real first words. Articulate sounds. Gesture. 
Speech as a scientific process. .... Pages xv-lxix 



X Contents. 

CHAPTER I. 
Letters— Their Origin and Order. 

The art of writing and the stages thereof. Picture-writing. Trans- 
mission of the alphabet. Source of the Phoenician alphabet. De 
Rouge's account of its origin. Manipulation of the Egyptian 
alphabet by the Semites. The order of the letters of the alphabet. 
Different classifications of alphabetic symbols. The secret of the 
Semitic arrangement. Remarks on the Latin and the Greek 
alphabets. Sundry notes on alphabetic symbols. . Pages i-il 

CHAPTER IL 

Sound Relations in Indo-European— Vowels and 

Diphthongs. 

The old allotment of vowels and consonants to Indo-European. The 
original stock of sounds. The Indo-European sound-system. 
The primitiveness of e and the non-primitiveness of certain a's. 
The primitiveness of o. Lingual and nasal consonant-vowels. 
Palatals and velars. Greek transformations of velars. Table to 
illustrate the representation of velars and palatals. Hard aspirates. 
Varieties of palatals. The labialisation and the non-labialisation 
of velars. Some remarks on the Indo-European languages. Table 
of the sound-correspondences of Indo-European vowels and diph- 
thongs. Cognates and examples (with explanations and reference 
to I.E. root) to support the doctrine of the table, and illustrate 
the theory of sound-correspondence and the facts of sound- 
change. ........ Pages 12-38 

CHAPTER in. 

Sound Relations in Indo-European — Semivowels, 
Spirants, Consonant-Vowels, Liquids, Nasals. 

Table of the sound-correspondences of Indo-European semivowels, 
spirants, consonant-vowels, liquids, nasals. Cognates and ex- 
amples (with explanations and reference to I.E. root) to support 
the doctrine of the table, and illustrate the theory of sound-corre- 
spondence and the facts of sound -change. Formations in which 
nasal sonants appear. ...... Pages 39-70 



Contents. xi 

CHAPTER IV. 
Sound Relations in Indo-European— Explosives. 

Table of the sound-correspondences of Indo-European explosives 
(labials, dentals, palatals, velars). Cognates and examples (with 
explanations and reference to I.E. root) to support the doctrine of 
the table, and illustrate the theory of sound-correspondence and 
the facts of sound-change. Tenues aspiratae. . Pages 71-106 

CHAPTER V. 
Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. Analogy. 

Classification of these affections. Vocalic Affections — Vowel Assimi- 
lation (Umlaut), Breaking, Influence of w. Palatal Influence, 
Shortening of Vowels, Lengthening of Vowels, Anaptyxis (Pro- 
thesis), Epenthesis, Contraction, Aphaeresis, Syncope, Apocope. 
Consonantal Affections — Assimilation, Dissimilation, Assibilalion, 
Labialism, Dentalism, Rhotacism, Labdacism, Voicing, Unvoicing, 
Metathesis, Reduplication, Aspiration, Gemination (Affrication), 
Epenthesis, Epithesis, De-aspiration, Aphaeresis, Ecthlipsis, Apo- 
cope. Laws for finals in Teutonic. Analogy and Phonetic Law. 
Their character and scope. Examples of the working of analogy 
— Meaning into Form, Form into Meaning, Form into Function, 
Function into Form Pages 107-135 

CHAPTER VI. 
Ablaut and Accent. 

Definition of Ablaut. Ablaut-series. The <?-series, with examples. 
The two varieties of strong grade. The weak grade. The other 
series (^-series, rt-series, J-series, rt-series, o-series), with examples. 
Root or roots. The ablaut proper to certain formations. Illus- 
trations from Greek. Meagreness of the Latin ablaut. Table of 
the Teutonic ablaut. The part that ablaut plays in the Teutonic 
verbal system. Ablaut in Modern English. Remarks on the 
Modern German ablaut. Ablaut in declension. The Indo- 
European accent. The true account of Greek accentuation. 
Various systems of accentuation. Retention of the original accent 
in Greek. The .iccent in Modern Greek. The law of accentua- 
tion in Latin. The nature of the Indo-European accent. The 
nature of the accent in Sanskrit and Greek. Brugmann and Sweet 
on the Indo-European accent. The origin of the recessive accent 



xii Contents. 

in Greek. Noticeable facts in Greek accentuation. The path 
followed by recession. Wheeler's account of recession. Merlo's 
theory of the f- and «7- ablaut .... Pages 1 36-161 

CHAPTER VII. 

Grimm's Law. 

Influence of Grimm's Law on linguistic science. Its significance, 
limitations, and wording. The primitive state of the undivided 
peoples. Definition of Grimm's Law. Table of sound-changes 
in Grimm's Law. Examples. The phonic triangle. Remarks 
on the aspirates. Scope of the changes recorded in the Law. 
The changes in themselves. Breath to aspirate. Correct state- 
ment of sound-change. Aspirate to voice. Voice to breath. The 
place of euphony as a solvent. Conway's hypothesis about the 
quality of the original mediae. Brugmann's account of the order 
of the changes. Sweet's account. Isolated changes. The runes 
and the first change. Date of the first change. The High German 
changes. Their date, their cause, their partial character. The 
formulae required for practical purposes. General conclusions 
regarding the changes. The changes were unconscious. Erroneous 
views on Grimm's Law. Grassmann's Law. Verner's Law. The 
Indo-European accent. Conway's Law. Moulton's Law. Sievers' 
Law. An alternation of c and g. Paul and Kluge's 
Law Pages 162-183 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Sound Relations in English— Introduction and 
Short Vowels. 

The Anglo-Saxon alphabet. Anglo-Saxon dialects. Middle English 
dialects. Middle English. Varieties in the Anglo-Saxon and 
Middle English dialects. Influence of Anglo-French on Middle 
English orthography. Orm's spelling. Final e. Supplementary 
remarks on the general orthography of Middle and Modern 
English. Spelling and speaking. Plan of the word-lists. Table 
of living English sounds. Remarks on the phonetic definitions. 
Lengthening and shortening in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English. 
Table of vowel-sounds, with remarks. Table of consonant-sounds, 
with remarks. Lists of typical examples of vocalic sound-change 
in the passage from Anglo-Saxon to Modern English, with prefa- 



Contents. xiii 

tory abstract of changes and commentary on the examples 
cited Pages 184-239 

CHAPTER IX. 

Sound Relations in English— Long Vowels and 
Consonants. 

Continuation of typical examples. Modern English vowel-sounds with 
their Anglo-Saxon originals. Vocalic sound-change in words of 
Anglo-French origin. The Scotch equivalents of Anglo-Saxon 
vowels. The representation of Anglo-Saxon consonants in Modern 
English, with description of the sounds and notes on their 
transition Pages 240-291 

Index Pages 293-318 



INTRODUCTION. 

The Aryans — Their Culture and Original Home. 
The Origin of Speech. 

The idyllic, but certainly also idealised picture of the 
ancient Aryans is well known. According to this, they 
were an agricultural people, and lived the life of simple 
swains. They possessed towns too, and were not ignorant 
of the rudiments of fortification. Peace had reigned for a 
long time in their land, not the pax Romana of later times, 
but the peace that is due to a peace-loving temper and a 
devotion to rural pursuits. Their family life was happy and 
sweetly reasonable. At the head of the household were the 
protector of its weal and the manager of its concerns. 
The members of the family, the milk-maid daughter and 
the supporter-brother, had all the virtues that are sisterly 
and brotherly. A drift towards righteousness was every- 
where visible, and morality was so elevated as to suggest a 
serious falling off on the part of descendants. 

The undoubted domestication of a few animals, the 
presence in the various languages of correlates to 'rrdX/;, 
pater, mater, duydr^p, /rater, Qi'Mtg, &c., have been made to 
prove all this, and to answer thzi pater, mater are artificial 
dressings of the older onomatopoetic lallworter, that d-jydrrjp 
is more likely to mean ' ^uae /aetat,' or ' r/uae /adet,' than ' the 
milkmaid,' to insist that transferred meanings of roots are not 

a 



xvi Manual of Linguistics. 

to be taken for primitive, nay, that it is not permissible to 
assume on the part of the primitive people a clear con- 
sciousness of the relation between root and full-grown word, 
is to evince want of imagination, and to qualify for the 
name of devotee of Darwinism and dirt. 

A careful examination of the letter of the data for in- 
ference given in language will give us other results, not so 
taking certainly, nor so flattering to the supreme Caucasian 
mind, but eminently sensible results, results, too, that are 
not high-and-dry, but corroborated by conclusions drawn 
from other sciences. 

Some risks have to be guarded against before conclusions 
can be safely drawn. We must see to it that the word on 
which we base our argument has a distribution in the 
languages of the Aryan family sufficiently wide to gain for it 
the name of primitive, that borrowing has not taken place, 
that the term applied is not so natural and so plainly sug- 
gested by some marked quality in the thing named as to 
arise independently and at different times, we must take 
care not to read late and developed meanings into primitive 
words, and, lastly, we must take care not to draw negative 
conclusions until we have satisfied ourselves that the word 
has not once existed and been lost. 

It is our inability to fulfil all these conditions that forms 
one of the chief obstacles in the way of deductions got from 
a simple analysis of words. To reach the most probable 
result, assistance has often to be got from many sides, from 
anthropology, from prehistoric research, from the history of 
culture. A reconstruction of Aryan culture based, say, on 
the Indo-European vocabulary in Fick's dictionary, is 
almost sure to be highly coloured, owing to the fatal facility 



Introdiiction. xvi'i 

with which we put our own interpretations on ideas that 
were then in their rudimentary stages. 

So much of our knowledge of Aryan hfe and culture may 
be got by inferences from language, that some remarks must 
be made on that topic. 

To begin with, it will be well to notice a theory with 
regard to the location of the Aryans in their original quarters 
that will affect our view of the relations of the languages and 
peoples to one another, and guide us in drawing inferences 
from the facts that language supplies. 

In the chapter on Grimm's Law are set down the fol- 
lowing remarks on the primitive state of the Indo-European 
peoples : — ' It must not be supposed that the original tribes 
dwelt as next-door neighbours within circumscribed limits, 
for they dwelt at long distances, though still in touch with 
one another. They observed various attitudes towards the 
sound-norms, had certainly much in common, but were also 
predisposed to change in different degrees and along 
different lines. Each family of languages, each system of 
sounds had its own idiosyncrasies.' 

These statements assume the truth of the wave or 
tratisitioii theory of Schmidt, approved of by Brugmann, 
Paul, and Schrader. This theory has supplanted the old or 
pedigree theory of former writers, according to which there 
was one homogeneous Ursprache with something approach- 
ing to a dead level of uniformity, spoken by one people 
dwelling together in unity of speech-sound and speech- 
bent, from whom there hived off swarms, which, on geo- 
graphical disjunction, began to develop differences in 
language that separated them from the other members of 
their stock, swarms, however, which still comprised two or 



X vi ii Mamial of L mguistics. 

more peoples that for a long period were linguistically 
one. 

To the pedigree theory belonged peculiarly the hypotheses 
of Italo- Graeco-Celtic, Graeco- Latin, and Lithu-Slavo- 
Teutonic periods, characterised by identity of language, 
including the common possession of differentiations of the 
primitive homogeneity. 

According to the transition theory, a primitive Indo-Euro- 
pean homogeneity, in the sense we attach to an original Teu- 
tonic homogeneity, never existed. Characteristic differences 
of individual languages existed then in some shape, in fact 
the primitive peoples were not so packed shoulder to shoulder 
in their original quarters as to present the conditions for the 
alleged sameness. Settled as they were at considerable dis- 
tances from one another, though with facility of intercourse, 
dialectic differences would be accentuated and evolved in 
many parts of the territory occupied. These spread, 
according to the laws that regulate the diffusion of dialec- 
tic changes and creations, in waves or undulations, as the 
theory puts it, over the neighbourhood in which the nidus 
they had made for themselves was located. 

To realise this, let us suppose the sites for the Aryan 
peoples set down, with some rough semblance of their pre- 
sent relative positions preserved, in one plan on a minute 
scale. This will give us some idea of the geographical 
area on which Teutons, Slavo-Lithuanians, Celts, Italians, 
Greeks, Indo-Iranians, and Armenians lived together before 
the dispersion. The spaces between were occupied by 
transition dialects (' kontinuierliche Vermittelung ') which 
gradually shaded off into one another and into the main 
languages that bounded them. These have died out with 



Introd^tction. xix 

little or no record, and left the abrupt transitions we now 
encounter. 

There are many missing links in language which, if re- 
covered, would infallibly give us more light, and possibly 
give another complexion to established theories. We have, 
for instance, no remains of the tongues that were spoken 
north of Hellas. The Phrygians are said to have come 
from Thrace, and, if it be true that the Armenian language 
is descended from Phrygian, we may consider that it con- 
tains certain of the links between Greek and Slavonic on 
the one hand, and Greek and Indo-Iranian on the other, 
that must have abundantly appeared in Thracian and 
Phrygian. 

Again, when we remember that Armenian contains all 
the changes of Grimm's Law, we are entitled to suppose 
that the tract in which its progenitor was spoken was in 
touch with the Teutonic zone. 

It is also permissible to believe that Albanian, as the 
representative of old Illyrian, forms a link between Greek 
and Latin. 

The wave theory satisfactorily solves contradictions that 
were presented by the pedigree theory. Not all that was 
advanced by it could be true. If Greek, a European 
language, offers such strong resemblances to Indo-Iranian as 
to warrant from the old point of view the assumption of an 
Indo-Persico-Greek period, we cannot at the same time 
have our cut-and-dry European period with a common 
language. 

But the new theory makes it possible for us without con- 
tradiction to grasp the possibility of Greek having many 
strong resemblances to Indo-Iranian, and at the same time 



XX Mamial of Linguistics. 

manifesting points of connection with Latin, because the 
truth of the one does not on this theory destroy the condi- 
tions for the existence of the other. It was common in the 
pedigree theory on the strength of like phenomena to group 
several languages together, and postulate a common original 
language, ignoring all the while points of similarity on this 
side and on that, which argued a wider connection, and 
militated against the existence of a joint language. 

There are three classes of resemblances that may obtain 
between languages, resemblances due to geographical 
proximity and brought about by natural or political causes, 
or by the disappearance of some barrier ; resemblances that 
are part of the original inheritance ; and resemblances 
that may be called frontier resemblances, due to contact 
with various neighbours at various points. The first of 
these may be such as to justify us in assuming a period of 
common culture for the peoples concerned. A common 
language in the strict sense is not to be thought of, for all 
these allied languages were dialects from the beginning. 

One then of the defects of the pedigree theory was its in- 
ability to furnish a good-going explanation which would be 
elastic enough to account for facts all round. For instance, 
Sanskrit has an a where all the European languages, includ- 
Armenian, have e ; the palatal guttural has been assibilated 
in Sanskrit and Letto-Slavonic, e.g., Sk. satdm, (cp. L. 
centum), the bh of the plural case-suffix seen in Gk. -(pi\i, 
L. bus, has in Teutonic and Letto-Slavonic become m 
(assuming in to be a manifestation of the bh sufiix), e.g. A.S., 
dat. and instrum. plu. in -m ; Celtic and Latin are unique 
in presenting r in the passive ; Latin and Greek have all to 
themselves feminines in us nnd or. 



Introduction. xxi 

The pedigree theory never submitted anything that could 
satisfactorily explain, at one and the same time, not one, 
but the whole of these facts. The e of European languages 
is undoubtedly part of the original inheritance, the Sk. a 
being of different values, or due to levelling. 

The otlier resemblances come under the head of frontier 
resemblances. There were zones where such and such in- 
fluences were at work and prevailed. A careful considera- 
tion of the theory ought to make all these points clear. 

Another defect of the pedigree theory, and its twin, 
the original-identical-language theory, was the failure to re- 
cognise that the almost perfect uniformity in language some 
of its presentations seem to assume never existed. Keeping 
in mind Paul's dicfuni that there are as many dialects as in- 
dividuals, we may say that there were certainly as many 
dialect-languages as peoples, and that a working uniformity 
is all that can be postulated of the tongue of peoples who, 
though originally one, tenanted a wide area, to the number 
of seven, and these too, the founders of languages that were 
subsequently quite distinct though cognate. 

The further back, the greater the uniformity, though there 
was never identity. The habits of ex-nomads who had 
entered on the pastoral stage are not favourable to the 
existence of the packing in space that identity in language 
requires. A common language is a late product, the creation 
of the newspaper, fashion, and the schoolmaster. 

As to the amount of sameness in the languages before 
dispersion, that is a matter of inference from observed data. 
They would all be inflectional in caste, and have in comaion 
much of the usual inflectional machinery. 

The extent of the common vocabulary may be inferred 



xxii Manual of Linguistics. 

from the stock of words which an examination of the 
common culture yields. In the case of men fighting to a 
large extent with nature an exuberant vocabulary is not to 
be thought of. A knowledge of the sound-system is to be 
gleaned from an examination of the sounds transmitted to 
us, plus an acquaintance with what is antecedent and sub- 
sequent in sound development. 

Which is the most archaic of the Aryan languages ? 
Which has preserved most of the common characteristics of 
the tongue of the original people ? Well, we have not the 
data to answer the question, and its importance is not press- 
ing. To come to a satisfactory decision we should require 
contemporaneous records of the languages compared. So 
far as vowels are concerned, Greek has been very conserva- 
tive. There can be no doubt that Sanskrit in structure is 
more primitive-looking than the other languages. That it 
has a monopoly of archaic traits is as undoubtedly false. 
We may be sure these are pretty evenly distributed. 

Attempts to reconstruct the original tongue from the 
evidence of language are badly lamed by the facts revealed 
in the theory we have tried to describe. When a word is 
missing from a language, no man can with certainty say 
whether it has disappeared, or whether it ever existed. On 
the old assumptions, the method was easy, if also rough and 
ready, for, starting with a common European language, if a 
word occurred in Sanskrit and in one European language, 
the others must have lost the heirloom. 

If linguistic evidence alone is to be relied on, the more 
the languages in which a word occurs, the stronger the prob- 
ability of its being original. Even then there are such 
things as accidental coincidences. There may also be coin- 



Introduction. xxiii 

cidences that cannot be called accidental, for the very fact 
that there is such a thing as an Indo-European family 
of languages implies, as regards constituent peoples, an 
amount of sameness in mental equipment and tendency 
that ought to be reflected in the languages. 

After these general remarks, it will be proper to discuss in 
order the divisions of the heading. 

In the following pages I shall rely chiefly on Schrader. 
The first of the divisions is the culture of the Aryans. It 
is necessary to ascertain this with all possible aids, and use 
all the light so got, to clear up the moot-points of the 
question. 

It will be convenient in writing on this division to 
handle matters in the order (i) of material arts and material 
advances, and (2) of social progress and intellectual con- 
ceptions. 

In the first sub-division are to be handled facts that have 
a bearing on metals and weapons, on agriculture, on dwell- 
ings, on clothing, on food and drink, and on trade. 

In the second is to be estimated the significance of names 
of kin, of ideas about the gods and the hereafter, and of the 
mode of computing time. 

In quoting words I shall, as a rule, give the Sanskrit, 
Classical, and Teutonic equivalents where these exist. In 
this introduction I shall, when quoting German, usually give 
the New High German, and not the Old High German 
equivalent. 

The discovery of metals simply meant salvation to man. 
With their aid he could face up to nature, and clear away 

b 



xxiv Manual of Linguistics, 

the vast and rank growth of forest that fettered his move- 
ments, with their aid he could assert his superiority, and 
cope with the numerous and aggressive wild-beasts that 
made life bitter. 

Being now, in proportion to his skill, better able to 
minister to his material wants, he would be drawn by the 
greater leisure at his disposal, and the hope of still further 
perfecting his tools, to work towards that point in weapon- 
making, in which increase of shapeliness means increase of 
utility. To the quest of shapeliness would be added the 
desire for grace, and to grace the rudiments of the artistic 
sense. 

When those men who had become workers in metal in a 
small way, to supply most effectively their needs, heard of 
the more highly favoured mortals in other parts, to whom 
nature had gifted store of metals for use or ornament, they 
made shift to procure these. 

These efforts were the beginning of trading. Metals 
would be sure to acquire a representative value, and the 
passage of the standard of value from pecudes into pence 
gave to trading the facility and expansiveness that its spread 
required. 

Whatever may have been the metals known to the Ayrans, 
there is no general terms for metals among them, nor 
indeed among the separate peoples. The name of the 
metal first discovered was used as a general term. MsraXXov, 
inetallum are words of late development, derived, it is said, 
from a Semitic verb meaning ' to smithy,' an origin due to 
the fact that the Phoenicians erected smelting-houses beside 
the mines they dug. 

There are also no terms common to tlie Indo-European 



Introduction. xxv 

languages denoting the smith or his craft, not even among 
the Indo-Iranians, where so much else is common, though 
such terms do exist in the separate dialects of families, 
unless some one can conjure something out of Sk. dhnan, 
Gk. cix'L'jiv, -/.d/jJvo:, L. camlnus, A.S. hiunor (E. hammer). 
All originally meant stone, and seem (assuming them to be 
cognates) simply to prove that stone implements were used, 
not that smithying proper was practised by the original 
people. 

Nor will a grouping of the facts connected with the 
smith-lore of the various peoples, plentiful as they are — for 
smiths and smithying played a large part in the imagina- 
tions of the northern peoples, now ranked with the divine 
now with the diabolic — enable us, in default of aid from 
language, to predicate original primitiveness of the smith or 
his craft. In spite of analogies between the stories of 
Hephaestus /cl/z./.o-o^/coi/ and Wieland hinkebein, in spite of 
the appearance, both in south and north, of giants and 
dwarfs as workers in metal, in spite of the attribution to 
these workers in both areas of skill in the musical and the 
healing arts, one is constrained to deny common inherited 
elements, and partly owing to the very resemblances to 
suspect myth-borrowing with local colouring on the part of 
of the Teutons. 

Of the individual metals, we may at once say that gold 
was not known to the Aryans in their joint state. One has 
only got to think on yj\i<sli and auritm to come to some 
such conclusion. With yj-oslit, Goth. giil\>, A.S. gold used 
to be connected, but that cannot possibly be, even on the 
supposition that yj\j6og = yjvTloc. Sonant / is not repre- 
sented in Greek by f^'o. Beside gi/l]\ however, stands a 



xxvi Ma7i2ial of Linguistics. 

Slavonic cognate, ^/^i^o'; has been equated to Sk. hiranyam^ 
but, apart from other difficulties, there is not agreement in 
the suffix. 

It is simpler to call yj'^alii a loan word from the Semitic 
(cp. Hebrew chdruz). We know that the Phoenicians were 
the first to work the gold mines of Thrace, and that in the 
gray antiquity of the fifteenth century b.c. So that the 
use of yj'^ao; in the manufacture of personal and place 
names, always a mark of age, is sufficiently accounted for.. 
The Semitic peoples were acquainted with gold, owing ta 
their many points of contact with Egypt, a land rich in gold 
from time immemorial. Gold, too, was plentiful in Asia 
Minor and Arabia. 

It is of course possible that the Greeks had gold before 
they knew the Phoenicians, and either renamed it, or adopted 
the foreign term to denote the foreign wrought gold they 
got from the Phoenicians. This term may afterwards have: 
been generalised, and have displaced the native term. 

The Latin aiirum is a name probably drawn from the 
native vocabulary, and applied to gold on its introduction. 
The word is connected with aurora and uro, and meant to- 
begin with ' the gleaming thing.' 

By a similar step in nomenclature, the Teutons got guVp 
from the root ghel {ghol), seen in L. kelvi/s, Gk. yoX^, 
G. gelb. Here giil\^, to begin with, meant ' the yellow 
thing.' 

The name aiirum gives us not the slightest hint whence 
the Italians first got gold. The Teutons perhaps got their 
first gold from some of the outlying Turko-Tartaric peoples,, 
who, in their original home near the Altai Mountains, had 
gold in plenty. The Indo-Iranians, of course, got gold in 



Introduction. xxvii 

the sands of their own rivers. The Celtic word for gold 
comes from Latin, so does the Lithuanian word. 

As far as the substance itself is concerned, it is difficult to 
believe that the Gauls, who, as Polybius says, had store of 
gold ornaments when they invaded Italy, had to wait till 
they came into contact with the Italians before they made 
its acquaintance. 

In Norse we have beside giill * gold in the mass,' 
Lelonging to common Teutonic, also eyrir from aiiri/iii, 
meaning coined gold. 

What, then, are the facts? The Greek word is borrowed 
from Semitic, the Latin word stands by itself and fathers 
words in other languages, the Indo-Iranians have a word 
that is common only to the two peoples, Teut. gHl]> has only 
a congener in Slavonic — facts all proving that gold was not 
known till after the dispersion. 

Of silver, as of gold, we are entitled to say that it was 
not known to the Ayrans in their joint state. The Sanskrit 
word for silver, rajafdm, in the Rigveda, has only the mean- 
ing of white, and the Zend word is only met with in the 
Avesta. 

In the Iranian languages there is no agreement in words 
for this term, and surely if the metal had had a high 
antiquity in these languages, there should have been some 
common agreement, however isolated, in the names. 

At first, on hearing Sk. i-ajaidm, Gk. a(,y\jpo;, L. argen- 
tum (and an Armenian cognate), one may feel it safe 
to pronounce for original joint possession, but, inasmuch 
as the quality that has originated the name is so character- 
istic of the substance named, we have probably here the 



xxviii Manual of L inguistics. 

case of a name that would inevitably be coined by observant 
name-makers. It was probably from Armenia, a country in 
historical times rich in silver, that the Indo-Iranians got 
their knowledge of that metal, and the name its importers 
mentioned in their hearing would fall pat on their ears, and 
suggest their own. Any two observers would agree in calling 
silver the white metal. 

The Greeks, too, probably got their knowledge of silver 
from Armenia, and the Italians theirs from Greece, or, it 
may be, from Spain, where the Phoenicians had long 
wrought silver mines. If from the former, we may suppose 
the Greek word to have taken on an Italian suffix. 

In Italy, where nature has grudgingly gifted silver, the 
metal must have been introduced at an early date, for the 
name is present in more than one dialect. 

The Celtic word for silver is possibly a term manufactured 
on the analogy of argenfum, out of an adjective meaning 
white, seen, perhaps, in Argentoratum, the Celtic name of 
Strassburg. 

The Teutons and the Slavs have a joint term (Goth. 
silnbr, &c.). It will be remembered that the term for gold 
was also common to these two peoples. 

Nothing definite is known of the etymology of the word 
silver. A connection with some adjective denoting white- 
ness would be the most satisfactory, but Kluge declares the 
word to be foreign to Indo-Europeans. Tacitus tells us 
the Germans imported silver, and perhaps, if we knew 
definitely whence, we might get an explanation of the name. 
Is it not possible that they got it with the name through the 
agency of some intervening tribe from the Greek traders 
on the Black Sea, who of course got it from Armenia ? 



Introduction. xxix 

Words for copper, one of the most widely distributed 
of metals, were quite generally diffused in early times. The 
Egyptians had their term, the Semites theirs, and the Turko- 
Tartaric peoples had also coined a name. One naturally 
expects to find a term appearing in the Indo-European 
domain that will prove a common knowledge of copper, and 
such a term is seen in the equation Sk. dyas, L. aes^ Goth. 
aiz. Some difficulty has been met with in the attempt to 
make out copper to have been the original meaning in 
Sanskrit, but in Latin and Teutonic, it is pretty patent that 
the original meaning was copper. 

If it be right to locate, with Schrader, the original home 
in the district of the Middle Volga, then the Aryans pro- 
bably got their knowledge of copper by trading relations 
with the tribes of the Ural Mountains. 

The content of the term for copper was enlarged. In 
Latin, as elsewhere, the term for copper was afterwards 
applied to bronze, and in Teutonic, it came to mean ore in 
general. In Sanskrit, the term was alienated from its 
original meaning altogether, and applied to iron, while new 
terms were got for copper, which have no connexion with 
other Indo-European words. 

The fact that the metals accommodating themselves to 
dyas are neuter in Latin, in Sanskrit, and Gothic, supports 
the belief that copper was the earliest metal known, a belief 
that is also countenanced by the fact that many names of 
iron originally meant copper. Perhaps the new metals were 
described in terms that referred them to the old, plus a 
characteristic quality. 

Greek is not amongst the languages that furnish an element 
to the above equation. Probably the term has disappeared, 



XXX MaiiiLal of Linguistics. 

a form like ay as, having in Greek, where bothy and s have 
been lost, small chance of survival. 

This leads us to the Greek word for copper, yj/.y.y.oc, with 
the meanings of copper and bronze existed from of old in 
Greek. It is used extensively in nomenclature, exhibiting 
quite a contrast in this particular to oi^ripoc, but, as far as 
origin is concerned, stands quite isolated in Indo- 
European. 

In Latin, a precise term was got for copper in the expres- 
sions aes cyprium. This plainly means ' ore of Cyprus.' 
This term in the later cuprum furnished a word for copper 
all round — to Celtic, which originally had a word of its own, 
and to Teutonic. 

Of bronze, the names for which have so many points of 
contact with the names for copper, the Indo-Europeans 
during their joint life probably knew nothing. 

Wrought iron is a rather perishable substance, and 
so we are confined to language for information about its 
presence, early or late, among the metals known to the 
ancients. 

The Semites have a family name for it, seen in the Hebrew 
bar{e)zel, a fact that argues an acquaintance made before 
the dispersion of the families of the stock. The Iranian 
peoples, too, have a common name. 

In Sanskrit, as was remarked above, iron usurped posses- 
sion of dyas, the term for copper. 

Nothing definite can be made of the Greek term aldripog. 
That iron was known from an early date the literature proves. 
yak-Mc. certainly had a prior existence — witness its use in 



Introditction. xxxi 

name-making, and in tlie coinage of a vocabulary of terms 
in smithery, e.g., yia7.-/.i-oc. established before the making of 

The difficulty we have in tracing aihripoc does not exist in 
the case of the word for steel, viz., -/a'/.-j-^. We know that 
the name of this metal came, with the substance, from the 
Chalybes who lived somewhere near Pontus. 

Latin also has a name for iron all to itself, unless ferrmn 
can be cognated with the Hebrew bar{e)zel. This' would 
make for a Punic or Phoenician origin of the term. 

In the details of priestly ritual, bronze is often mentioned, 
but not iron. From this, it appears that an acquaintance 
with iron was made at a comparatively late period, and it is 
just possible that contact with Phoenician traders brought 
about this acquaintance. At least the iron of Elba ought to 
have drawn them to that part of Italy. 

The Teutons got their name for iron from the Celts. 
Caesar in the Gallic War describes a tribe of Gauls as pos- 
sessors of ironworks. Perhaps the Gauls were taught smelt- 
ing and smithying by the Romans. Gothic eisarn, placed 
beside Ir. iarutm and Welsh hniarn, betrays its origin, -am 
not being a Teutonic suffix, s has dropped from the Celtic 
forms, which, by the bye, may perhaps be ranked with 
L. acs, (S:c. 

The Letto-Slavonic word for iron has been equated with 

The variety of different names possessed by members of 
the Indo-European family makes it clear that iron was not 
known in the primitive period. At the same time, the pos- 
session of common terms for iron by related peoples, now 
living far apart, postulates a high antiquity. Indeed, in 



xxxii Mammal of Linguistics. 

some areas, there is evidence that steel must have been 
manufactured at an early time. 

Lead and tin, unlike most of the other metals alternately 
assigned and denied to the Indo-European period, have never 
been adjudged of such antiquity. Of the following appella- 
tives in familiar languages for the two metals — /xo'>.i;/35oc,. 
plnnilmni, lead, blei ; -/.asairspog, stanmim, tin, zi'nn — nothing 
definite is known save of -/.dcrffiTspog. The Phoenicians were 
the earliest carriers of tin from Cornwall (cf. Cassiter Street 
in Bodmin) to the Mediterranean. We should then expect 
the word to be of Semitic origin, and the Assyrian kdsaza- 
tirra has been thought to be a likely parent. 

Suggestions on the origin of the other words will be found 
in Schrader. 

The Slavonic terms are obscure. 

The Celtic term for lead, seen in Ir. liiaide, is probably 
the parent of the Teutonic word. The Celts engaged in 
mining before the Teutons, and, as we have seen, gifted 
them the word for iron. They got from L. stannum their 
word for tin. 

The notion that tin was an older metal than lead has 
been dispelled by Schliemann. Store of lead was found in 
the prehistoric towns of the Troad, tin in none. 

Reviewing then the story told by the metals, we must 
conclude that the Europeans in their joint state knew none 
of the metals save copper. 

Next, a word or two on weapons. The evidence got from 
a consideration of the names applied to these, tends but to 



Inti'oduction. xxxiii 

strengthen the conclusion just announced. There is no 
good-going Indo-European equation of wide range for 
weapons. The Indo-Iranians have some common names 
for offensive weapons, but not for defensive armour. All 
round indeed, there is a special lack of connexion in the 
words for defensive armour. 

Greek names for weapons are usually conspicuously- 
different from Latin names, exhibiting, however, considerable 
agreement with Indo-Iranian names. This but increases the 
evidence already before us for a connexion between Greeks 
and Indo-Iranians. 

In the names given to arms we find no positive proof 
that metal was used in their manufacture. From the fact 
that copper is the only metal that was certainly known to 
the Indo-Europeans, this is what we should expect. Most 
names, on being interrogated as to their origin, reveal 
simple materials. Take for instance in Greek — ^&>u (cp. 
5pD?), >j^i>.'ff\ ' ash and spear,' ro^ov (cp. faxus ' yew '), xui/=>j 
' helmet,' orig. ' dog-skin cap ' ; in La.tm—J)Uiem, the same 
word as ///?/;;/ ' pestle,' scutum (cp. GyZro^ ' hide '), lorlca 
(cp. /ora ' leather thongs ') ; in Teutonic— A.S. seax ' short 
sword' (cp. L. saxujii), A.S. ////^ ' shield,' made of linden 
wood. 

Some of the equations that may guide us in draw- 
ing inferences as to primitive weapons are Sk. asis, L. 
€?isis; L. arais, Goth. arJnvaz7ia 'arrow'; Gk. a^vm, L. 
ascia, Goth, akivizi, A.S. eax. An analysis of names, and 
the evidence of prehistoric remains permit us to refer to 
the joint period the knife-sword, the bow and arrow, the 
axe, the club, and the spear. Of course the sling belongs 
to it 



xxxi V Afanual of L inguistics. 

Perhaps the commonness of the material used accounts 
for the sparseness of cognates, and the limited range of the 
existing ones. The names for the weapons, having an 
obvious connexion with the material out of which they 
were made, would give place to new names got from new 
materials, materials, too, not known to the Aryans. Since 
one of the first uses of metals would be to provide effective 
arms, it follows that the equipments of the Aryans must 
have been of a rudimentary kind — weapons of bone, of 
horn, or, it may be, of copper, and defensive armour of 
wood, or of hide. 

With the reservation that copper may have been used in 
weapon-making, the nomenclature of weapons proves that 
the Aryans lived in a premetallic age. 

There is no lack of written opinion on the mode of life 
followed by individual Aryan peoples. Caesar ascribes no- 
madic habits to the Germans (' neque licet longius anno 
Temanere uno in loco'), and there is documentary evidence 
to the effect that the Slavs frequently changed their abodes, 
while, even to the Greeks, Thucydides imputes in early times 
nomadic instincts — ri yri dsl rag /isra/3o?.a; ruv o'r/.rjropuv ii^sv. 

If, at the dawn of history, this is the condition of the in- 
dividual peoples, we are justified, making due allowance 
for the persistence of traditional habits, and the possible 
contemporaneous existence of features common to two 
modes of life, in concluding that the Aryans, when yet in 
the original home, were strongly infected with nomadic 
habits. 

Not that the beginnings of agriculture were absent, there 
is evidence to the contrary, but, if salient characteristics 



hitrodiLction. xxxv 

determine definition, nomadic is the term that best ex- 
presses these. 

Language, too, bears out the inferences to be drawn from 
recorded opinion and right reasoning. There is not among 
languages of the Aryan stock the general agreement in 
agricultural terms that exists in the case of purely cattle- 
terms, such as cow and sheep. On the other hand, there is 
strong agreement in the languages of the European mem- 
bers of the stock. Consequently, language forbids us to 
attribute agriculture, as an art, to the Aryans in the original 
home, but warrants us in asserting that the Europeans made 
common advances in said art. 

Another consideration strengthens the ascription of no- 
madic habits to the original people. There can be no 
private property in land among nomadic peoples, and 
among peoples of historical times we find just what we 
should expect in legatees of nomadic customs. Among 
the Germans, Csesar says ' privati ac separati agri nihil est.' 
This state of things exists to this day in Russia, and can be 
predicated of several ancient peoples. 

Note, too, that to assume common advances in agri- 
culture on the part of the Europeans is not to assume a 
European period characterised by identity of language and 
manners, nor even to assume an acquaintance with metals. 
It is perfectly possible to have a contiguity that permits 
common advances in culture, and strong divergences in 
language, and it is not at all necessary to make acquaintance 
with metals the measure of acquaintance with agriculture. 
Many terms for agricultural implements or portions of them 
can be traced back to non-metallic materials, t\i,'-., Goth, hoha 
' plough ' is equated with Sk. sakha ' branch.' Numerous 



XX xvi Manual of L inguistics. 

names prove that wood stiffened, if required, with stone 
answered every necessary purpose of agriculture. But there 
is no need to prove that agriculture may flourish with very 
primitive implements. 

It will be well now to mention some of the resemblances 
that warrant us in speaking of joint advances in agriculture 
on the part of Europeans. 

One of the few equations common to the Aryans in this 
connexion is Sk. ydvas 'barley,' Gk. ^s/a 'spelt,' &c., but 
we really do not know what is exactly meant by these terms, 
and very possibly they do not denote a cultivated product. 
There are one or two more terms arguing common know- 
ledge on the part of the Aryans. 

Compare this poverty with the wealth of equations to 
prove European community : — first in general terms — Gk. 
ay^o'c, L. ager, A.S. acer ; Gk. apow, L. aro, Goth, arjan, E. 
ear, &:c. ; L. sero, Goth, saian, A.S. satvan, &c. ; L. mold, 
Goth, vialan, E. 7nea/, &c. ; Gk. up':Tri ' sickle,' L. sarpo 
' prune,' &c. ; L. porca ' ridge between two furrows,' A.S. 
furh, G. fiirche ; Gk. ayj^n ' chaff,' L. acus aceris, Goth. 
ahana, E. aw?i ; next in products of the soil — L. grdmwi, 
Goth, kaurn, A.S. cor72, &:c. ; L. hordeum 'barley,' A.S. 
gerst, G. gerste, perhaps Gk. y.pli^ri (for X'P'^^^) J L. far, A.S. 
/^ere, &c. ; Gk. XIvcj, L. /I/ium, A.S. /In, &c. ; L. /a/?a, with 
Slavonic cognate ; Gk. ■/.fo/j.uo]/ ' onion,' A.S. hramse, E. 
ramsons, &c. ; and Gk. /o.^^xwi' 'poppy,' G. mohii, E. f/iaw- 
seed. 

In addition to the agreement just exhibited between 
general terms, and the terms for such products as barley, 
flax, beans, onions, an agreement has also been established 
between the various terms for wheat, millet, peas. 



Introdtiction. xxxvii 

Such products, then, it would seem, were reared by the 
European section of the family. 

These resemblances give sufficient ground for the assertion 
that agricultural terms are common only to the European 
branch of the Aryan family. 

It should also be said that the Asiatic branch has some 
-agricultural terms common to its members, but our means 
of information about these is very limited. After the dis- 
persion, the European branch was forced by stress of circum- 
stances to begin agriculture. In their wanderings, accepting 
Schrader's theory, they had passed out of the steppe country, 
favourable to nomad life, and got amongst forests that pre- 
vented them following the former free and easy life, and 
constrained them to take to tillage. 

It is curious that an examination of Semitic and Egyptian 
culture, under this head, yields as a result almost the same 
plants as we have just mentioned. Nothing definite is 
known about the original habitat of these plants, or the way 
in which they may have been distributed by trading. 

The nomadic life attributed to the Aryans is also 
shadowed forth in the correspondence of terms that have 
to do with waggon-building. 

The European nomad had to make his own camel, the 
waggon was his ship of the desert. This is a fact that 
could be got at from written records. ' Vagae domus,' 
' domus plaustris impositre ' are expressions that argue a 
knowledge of this vehicular transit on the part of their 
framers. 

To return to the correspondences, we have for wheel — Sk. 
rdthas ' waggon,' L. rota, G. rad, &c., and Sk. cakrds, Gk. 



xxxviii Majtual of L inguistics. 

x\j%7.og, A.S. hweol, &c. ; for axle — Sk. dkshas, Gk. a^wc, 
L. a:c/5, A.S. eax, G. ^^r/^i-^', &c. ; for yoke — Sk. yugdm,. 
Gk. Z^'jydv, L. jugiim, A.S. ^^^f, &c. 

Nothing but a common use and wont in the art of 
waggon-building can account for these correspondences. 
,The limitations that want of tools and other drawbacks 
would impose are also borne witness to in the terminology. 
There are no common terms for spoke and felloe, a fact 
proving that the wheels were made of one piece. 

Even nomads, although they were not to remain longer 
than a year in one place, would be led to construct other 
shelters than their waggons. A life on wheels, in a bare 
country, during rigorous cold, would sharpen their inven- 
tiveness. Tacitus tells us that the Teutons had under- 
ground dwellings, and Xenophon in the Anabasis par- 
ticularises some of the features of similar zardysioi or/iiai 
among the Armenians, viz., a vertical descent by ladder 
for human beings, and a side descent by sloping tunnel for 
cattle. 

But language gives evidence of other and more ambitious 
shelters. House-, or at anyrate, hut-building is proved by 
the following equations: — Sk. darnds, Gk. ()6/j.og, L. domics,. 
Goth, timrja ' builder,' &c. ; Sk. dvar, Gk. (Ju'/ja L. forts, 
A.S. dune, &c. 

Note also Gk. orsyoj, L. tectum, Sk. sthag ' cover,' &c. 

It is the materials used in building that prove hut to be 
the better term. Records and language alike prove these 
to be other than bricks and lime. To make use of the 
latter, G. wand ' wall ' is equated with Goth, wandus^ 
' twig,' a connexion that at once suggests wickerwork. 



hitroduction. xxxlx 

■hpo(pri^ roof and LVofoc 'rush' suggest the same material. 
The equating of "rir/jj; (rt. dheii^h ) toji/igd, jignlus 'potter,' 
at once suggests clay. 

Again, in Teutonic, most terms in stone building are 
foreign, taken from the Latin, e.g., (I. iiiaucr from mums, 
■G. ziegel from iegula, &c. 

We can not only tell the materials, but also guess the shape 
of the Aryan dwelhng. The round urns in the cemetery of 
Alba I>onga are known to be representations of the houses 
of the living; the houses of the Germans figured on the 
columns of Aurelius are round ; and to regard this as 
a traditional shape of high antiquity is perhaps not to be 
unduly rash. 

The Aryan dwelling would seem then to have been 
a circular structure, made of such materials as wood, clay, 
and plaited twigs, and perhaps sunk into the earth for 
protection. A further proof of its rudimentary nature is 
got from the fact that windows seem to have been a later 
addition, the words for window not exhibiting correspon- 
dence. 

Possibly the headmen of the tribe occupied more preten- 
tious buildings constructed on similar lines. 

To nomads who lived by cattle-rearing the materials for 
clothing were at hand. Hides would naturally be resorted 
to. That the Aryans had reached that point in civiliza- 
tion in which the investiture of the person with a covering 
has become a detail of living is rendered probable by these 
cognates, viz., Sk. vas ' clothe,' Gk. eh^D/x/, L. vestio, A.S. 
weriAn, Goth, ivasjan. 

That the first clothing was hides, language bears evi- 

c 



xl Maitual of L ingu i sties. 

dence, e.g., f^<xW'f\ ' a coat of skins ' corresponds to Goth. 
paida (E. pea jacket) ; (szivri ' dress ' and cxDroj ' skin ' have 
the same root ; sicupa ' a rough outer garment ' (orig. of 
pigskin) and oo; are probably connected. 

But the Aryans were more deeply versed in the philosophy 
of clothes than to mark time at skins. 

There are proofs that they knew how to manipulate their 
material. The art of making felt seems to have been 
known to the European section. For this compare Gk. 
tTT.oc, L. pileus, Crer. filz. 

A general term for plaiting is well distributed, e.g., Sk. 
prasnas basket, Gk. ■T?ixw, Y,. plecto, G.flcchten, &c. 

There are terms, too, for weaving and spinning, though 
the terms for the latter have not freed themselves from the 
meaning of plait. 

For weaving take Sk. 7x1, Gk. b<paivu, A.S. wefan, Q. 
wcben. Here, too, consider the following correspondences,, 
establishing the existence of the art, and the position 
occupied at its practice, furnished by the root sfd ' stand,' 
viz., Sk. sthdvis weaver, Gk. 'isrog 'loom,' and crr,ij.oj)> 'warp,' 
L. stamen 'warp,' Goth, stoma 'stuff.' 

For spinning we have Gk. fsw, L. neo, Goth, nethla 
' needle,' G. niilien. It seems we cannot compare here any 
words that argue original sn, such as Goth. s?idrjd 'basket,' 
for that combination, had it been true for the above, would 
have survived in Gothic. 

That wool was a material known to the original people is- 
obvious enough from this equation, viz., Sk. ur/ja, L. /ana, 
Gk. (lii'/.oi (Fo'/.voc), L. vellus, Goth, ivu/la, Szc. 

It is also veryl^possible that flax was used in these arts. 
We saw above that a term runs through all Indo-Europeaa 



Introduction. xli 

languages, and Homer speaks of the Parcae spinning 
flax. 

To sum up what can be made out anent the clothing of 
the Aryans, it seems probable that originally a stretch of 
flaxen or woollen material was thrown over the left 
shoulder, as the primitive skin was, that it was then brought 
round the back and front and fastened to the left shoulder 
by the fibula, somewhat after the fashion of the Roman 
toga. 

A tunic — Gk. %'-'-ajv, L. tunica {ctutiica), both from the 
Semitic — was not originally worn. 

Sewing of some sort (Sk. syu-, Gk. /.aasuu, L. suJ, Goth. 
st'/ljan, &c.) was practised. 

The Aryans, as was natural in the possessors of flocks and 
herds, were flesh-eaters, and further, possessed some know- 
ledge of cookery. A term for raw, red meat runs pretty 
well through, viz., Sk. kravis ' raw meat,' Gk. ytpicig, A.S. 
hreaiv ' raw,' (S:c. A knowledge of cookery is argued by 
Sk. pac ' cook,' Gk. ■rsaau, L. coquo, &c. 

The original meaning of these is simply ' roast.' Not 
that flesh was always roasted, for doubtless the Aryans, 
as some still do, often cooked their food by eating it. 
Wild fruits were also eaten, and of course cereals, when 
their culture was introduced, formed a staple article of 
diet. 

Doubtless the Aryans drank milk, although the Sk. duh 
* milk ' is different from Gk. ajuiXyou, L. viulgeo, &c., and a 
common term for milk is only to be found among peoples 
whose territories presumably marched on one another, viz., 
Greeks and Latins (ya/.a, lac), Teutons and Celts (Goth. 



xHi Manual of Linzuistics. 



Vb 



miluks, Ir. meig). One equation, however, argues com- 
munity under the head milk, viz., Sk. saras ' cream,' Gk. 
opog ' whey,' L. seriiin ' whey.' 

It would be too much however to argue that the original 
people could make butter and cheese. These demand pro- 
cesses that do not seem to suit the habits of nomads or 
ex-nomads. 

Mead is the intoxicant for which we have an Indo- 
European equation — Sk. inddhu ' sweetness, honey, mead,' 
Gk. ijji6m 'wine,' A.S. inedu, G. meth, Szc. 

These names prove that honey must have been an in- 
gredient, probably, Schrader thinks, procured by trading, for 
the country to be selected as the most probable home of 
the Aryans is not wooded, and common terms for bee and 
wax, together with a definite term for honey, are only 
European. 

Schrader seems rather to underestimate the importance 
of the general diffusion of words for mead. His choice of 
the steppe region for the original home has led him to do 
this. 

Wine was of course not known to the Aryans. The 
Teutonic, Slavonic, and Celtic terms are borrowed from 
vinuni. Viniim and ohoz. are, however, mutually independent 
formations, probably from the root vi ' to twine,' and date 
from a time when the Itahans and Greeks lived in the north 
of the Balkan peninsula. 

It is a curious and suggestive fact that most of the peoples 
who have sojourned in or near this part of Europe, have 
similar terms for wine, among the rest the Albanians and 
the Armenians. Mention has already been made of the 
tradition that identified the Armenians with the Phrygians, 



In troduciion. x 1 i i i 

who are called aTo/xo/ rm Qpaxw. Further, %«'/■■';, a term 
for unmixed wine, is correlated by Schrader with an inferred 
Sabine/fl// seen in ager Falernus. 

It is quite probable that the Aryans had made a beginning 
in trade. Trading is developed bartering, and for this prac- 
tice the Indo-European vocabulary argues volume and pre- 
cision enough to entitle it to the name trade, Cer- 
tain terms, varying, as is natural in terms for bartering, 
between the meanings of buying and selling, have wide 
distribution, viz., Sk. vasndm ' price,' Gk. wi/o; ' price,' L. 
vemim ' sale,' &c. 

There is a common root for measure, viz., Sk. md 
' measure,' Gk. /xsr/s&v (fxsdrpov), L. modius ' corn-measure,' 
Goth, mitan, A.S. inetan. 

If we add to this that standards for measurement are 
found in the body at rest or in motion, e.g., foot, cubit, 
pace, &c., we see that all the conditions for trading are 
present. 

There are considerations which seem to show that this 
was not always confined to tribal areas, even in the joint 
period. No doubt strangers were at first looked on as 
enemies ; the fact that the words for stranger and enemy coin- 
cide proves this. QiQ>i\i.gasts is cognate with /^^i-//jr, and ^sc- 
(F)o; {ghseniios, the -i\Fc- is a nominal suffix) has with 
Brugmann's approval been correlated with these. 

But these words at a very early period took on a softer 
meaning, and among the Indians, Greeks, and Italians, 
precepts counselling hospitality are of very old date. The 
suggestion that this altered attitude towards strangers was 
brought about by trading relations, that strangers passed 



xliv Manual of Linguistics. 

from providers of goods into proteges of the gods, that 
abstention from hostile acts was in the beginning simply on 
each side an arrangement for mutual benefit, finds some 
support in a ceremony of guest-friendship, viz., the exchange 
of tokens (ffi/x/So/.a, tesserae), a survival of the exchange of 
wares. 

It would then follow that trade between strangers was 
older than hospitality, old enough perhaps to be predicated 
of the Aryans in the joint period. 

Inasmuch as the Aryans were unacquainted with the sea 
— a common term first occurs among the Europeans, viz., 
L. mare, Ir. muir, Goth, marei, E. mere — sea-going trade 
did not exist. 

The series of words — Gk. aXg, L. sal, Goth, salt — originally 
meant salt, and even if they originally meant sea, we are 
still in Europe, for Sk. sdras ' lake, pool ' can hardly prove 
anything about sea. 

The trade that flourished was overland or along the banks 
of rivers. There is nothing common in the way of nautical 
terminology to invalidate this, it is only terms for rowing and 
boat that are common, e.g., Sk. ar'itras ' rudder,' Gk. ipiTixLv 
' oar,' L. renins, A.S, ro'Ser, &c., and Sk. ndus, Gk. vaZg, 
G. iiaue. 

It is assumed that the latter word denoted the hoUowed- 
out trunk of a tree. But could such trunks be readily got, 
if the original home is placed with Schrader in the woodless 
steppe country. 

In the European languages, mast (L. mdtus, A.S. mcBst, 
rt. mazdos) has a common term, but even in these, there are 
great differences in the nomenclature of the other parts of a 
ship. 



Introduction. xlv 

A fair idea of the material culture of the Aryans may be 
got from an examination of the culture disclosed to us in the 
disinterred lake-dwellings of Switzerland. The facts brought 
to light in connexion with these seem to prove that the lake- 
dwellers were just at that stage of culture that one would be 
led to predicate of the Aryans. 

To complete an account of Indo-European culture it still 
remains to put down something about social progress and 
intellectual conceptions. 

Under this head let us note first the names of kin that are 
common to the Aryans. Their extension, although I do 
not put down all the languages in which they occur, will, 1 
daresay, be fairly apparent. They are these -.^father, mother, 
son, daughter, brother, sister, father's brother, father-in-law, 
mother-in-law, daughter-in-laiv, husband's brother, hiisba?id's 
■brothers' ivives, grandson (^nephezv) (Sk. pilar-, nidtdr, suiius, 
duhitdr-, bhratar-, svdsdr-, pitrvyas, svdsuras, svasrus, snusha, 
devdr-, yataras, ndpdt- ; (xk. Tarrip, fj^?]rrip, v'to;, O-jydrrjp, 

fpdTYip, , ■-TUTpMC, i/iup('t;, szvpd, \/'o('i;, darjp, slvarsps;, 

dve-^iog; L. pater, nidter, , ,f rater, soror, patruus, 

socer, socriis, nurus, levir, janitrices, nepos ; A.S. feeder, modor, 
sunu, dohtor, bro'Sor, siveostor, fiedera ((i. vetter orig. ' uncle '), 
sweor (G. schwdher), szueger (G. schwieger), snoru (G. schnur), 
tdcor (O.H.G. zeihhur), , nefa). 

There are double sets of words for father and mother 
running through the Indo-European languages, the above, 
and a set of imitative formations, e.g., Goth, atta 'father' 
{di]^ei ' mother '), cp. Gk. arr-a, L. atta, Sk. attd ' mother,' 

It will be noticed that the Indo-European terms for son 
and daughter are missing in Latin, and are supplied 



xlvi Mamial of Linguistics. 

by films filia, connected either with fello ' suck,' or 0u}.oy 
' tribe.' 

In Greek, <ppdr7\p has of course another meaning than 
brother, and there also the word for sister is distinctive, but 
the word 'iof-i; ' cousins,' quoted in Hesychius' Lexicon, 
seems plausibly cognated by Schrader with the other Indo- 
European terms. He suggests that the word originally 
meant 'sisters,' then 'sisters' children,' then 'children of 
brothers and sisters,' comparing the Latin consobr'uu, which 
originally meant ' a pair of sisters.' 

The word for father's brother, as seen above, is very well 
distributed, the word for mother's brother is not an Indo- 
European one. A term for this relative is seen in h.avimculus, 
A.S. ca;n (cp. Eames, proper name), G. oheiw. Avu?iculus 
' little grandfather ' is, I suppose, a hypocoristic term from 
amis. 

Perhaps it is worth noticing that it is in European that the 
ve^os-xovi has taken on the meaning of nephew. 

There is no Indo-European term for grandfather or grand- 
mother. 

It seems well to notice here a fresh proof of the affinity 
between Teutonic and Slavonic, exhibited by the presence 
in them of a common term for grandson, seen in G. ejtkel 
(dimin. oi ahn). There is no Indo-European term for son- 
in-law. Correspondences however are met with in various 
languages, e.g., in Teutonic— — A.S. d^2im, G. eidam. 

A glance at the terms for affhies in the above list, proves 
that it is only the husband's side of the house for which a 
terminology has been provided. There is not an Indo- 
European term to denote a relative who has become such 
in virtue of relationship to a wife. For son-in-law, there is 



Introdtiction. xlvii 

no common term to suggest that the wife's parents claimed 
kindred with their daughter's husband. The wife seems to 
have merged her individuality and her family in those of 
her husband. This leads to a conclusion quite opposed to 
the theory that the woman was the stable factor in calcula- 
tion about parentage. If circumstances once made relation- 
ship in the female line the surest way of allocating a place 
to a child in a clan, language seems to prove that these 
circumstances either never existed in the case of the Aryans, 
or had passed away before language was developed enough 
to record them. Westermarck in a recent work explains 
primitive life in general on the patriarchal theory. 

The Aryan family, then, was one in which relationship 
through male connexion was the title to membership. In 
the Aryan family — can we use the term family if this does 
not exist — there was paternal supervision and authority. 
Sonship was a reality, very much the reality that it was in 
early Roman times. 

It is true also that the common terms for relatives on the 
wife's side, possessed by certain groups of languages, argues 
a very early acknowledgment of such relationships. 

Wives were procured, in the very early days of Aryan life, 
when the various wandering households observed a semi-hostile 
attitude to each other, by capture. The existence among the 
Aryans of this generally prevalent practice is also indicated 
by the absence of terms implying the recognition of affinity 
on the wife's side. Afterwards when milder manners 
obtained, purchase was substituted. 

There can be little doubt that the right of the husband — 
Sk. pdtis, Gk. T0V/5, L. potis ' able,' Goth. {bnc\)fa\s ' bride- 
groom ' — over his spouse as wife or as widow was that of the 



xl vlii Manual of L inguistics. 

owner of a chattel over its disposition. Suttee is an Aryan 
survival. 

As a political unit family meant an aggregate of several 
households controlled by a paterfamilias. In the progress 
to political development, the next complex to family is that 
of brotherhood. This meant an association of families 
having a common ancestor, each of which had hived off in 
succession from an overgrown family, to find virgin pastures 
and procure more space. The term for this brotherhood in 
Greek is <pparfiia, in Latin, gens. To this day the bratsvo of 
Herzegovina supplies an example of what we may suppose 
the Aryan brotherhood to have been. 

Before the disruption, the constituents of the Aryan race, 
each a potential nation, may be supposed to have developed 
tribal organisation and to have possessed tribal solidarity. 
That they had arrived at such a concept as a name for the 
united race is unlikely. 

Did the Aryans have a conception of the divine, and if 
they did, what were their divinities ? To answer correctly 
the first question, one ought to discriminate carefully terms, 
the religious import of which is an after growth of separate 
national life, and terms that may be supposed to have 
carried down their religious import from primeval times. 
There are really no words that we can confidently place in 
the latter class. 

In the primeval period the consciousness of the divine 
must have been rudimentary, and many roots would after- 
wards by the workings of anthropomorphism acquire a 
religious meaning. Of these roots, when the need for a 
religious vocabulary arose, some areas would use one, others, 



Introduction. xlix 

another. 'I'his consideration may account for the dearth of 
common terms expressing the divine. If, however, the 
objects that are known to have been subsequently wor- 
shipped by individual peoples have common names, it is 
just possible that these latter in the primeval period excited 
the reverence of the joint people. Such common names there 
are: — dawn (Sk. iishds, Gk. 'h'Sa (see page 115), L. aurora, 
A.S. east, Eastre 'spring-goddess ') ; sky (Sk. dydiis, Gk. Zs-jj, 
L. Jupiter, A.S. T'mi) ; sun (Sk. sftryas, Gk. r,'z'/jog (era 
Fi'Aioc) (see page 115), L. so/, Goth, sauil) ; thunder (Sk. 
tanyatus, L. tonitru, A.S. ^tmor, G. donner) ; fire (Sk. agn'is, 
L. Jg?iis) ; wind (Sk. vatas, Gk. dyiTyjc, L. ventus, A.S. ivind) ; 
cloud (Sk. fi(f/>/ias, Gk. vs(po:, L. nebula, A.S. nifol, G. 
nebel). 

That these objects were deified in one quarter or another 
is matter of common knowledge. 

The only way to arrive at an opinion about Aryan notions 
of the afterworld is to examine the beliefs of separate peoples 
and more or less plausibly project them into the primeval 
period. In this connexion it is important to note that 
ancestor-worship, an injunction of Indian religion, and a 
national trait of the Romans, has no existence among the 
Greeks of the Homeric age. 

The Aryan mode of computing time has to be attended 
to in an account of Aryan culture. Should we be able to 
learn the number of seasons in the year of the primeval 
people, and discover details regarding the characteristics of 
these seasons, we shall, with the knowledge of climate so 
got, be much better able to select a suitable spot for the 
original home. 



1 Manual of L inguistics. 

Beginning with terms for seasons, we find that commott 
names for winter and allied notions are very widely distri- 
buted, e.g., Sk. hema?itds ' winter,' Jiimds ' cold, winter,' 
Gk. ^sifj,^, ^/wv, ^if/^aif^a 'goat' ('yearling'), L. hieins, Sc. 
ginwier (cp. E. weiher, Gk. 'irog, L. vetus). 

There is also a series of allied terms for snow : — Gk. v/f a,. 
L. nix, A.S. S7tdzv, &c., including a Zend cognate. 

There are three groups of words for the portion of the 
year that is set over against the wintry portion, viz., Sk. 
vasanfds, Gk. 'iap, L. ver, &c. ; Zend ydre ' year,' Gk. w^a, 
Goth. Jer ; Sk. sd//id 'half-year, year,' A.S. siimor, &c. I 
ought to mention here that there are difficulties in connect- 
ing 'iap and ver with vasantds (rt. ves, which rather connotes 
the notion of waning than of growing light (cp. vesper, &c,)),. 
e.g., Gk. sea ought to become n. The best account of the 
word I have seen is that given by F. W. Walker in the 
Classical Revieiv, vol. v., p. lo. He derives both from a 
root ve 'blow,' making 'iap = FriFafi{ur), and ver=vcver. Of 
course this disconnects with Sanskrit. 

These terms do not represent divisions of the non-wintry 
part of the year, but are different names for the same thing. 
Their meaning fluctuates in different areas, and even in the 
same area there is evidence of instability. Perhaps sd7nd 
originally ' half-year ' was a sort of unattached synonym for 
the non-wintry portion of the year. The vasantds series 
seems to have properly denoted the commencement of the 
hot season, for they are not used as names for the whole 
year like the others. 

To say nothing of the twin powers of the year storied in 
mythology, there is a dualism present in the nomenclature, 
e.g., summer and ivinter, vasanlds and hemantds, with similar 



Introduction. li 

•suffixes, that impels us to assume an original division into 
two, and only two parts. 

After progress had been made in the cultivation of 
cereals, it is likely that some designation would be set apart 
for harvest-time, and probably a term common to the Euro- 
pean group arose at this stage, viz., L. annus {as?ios), cp. 
annona, Goth, asans 'harvest' (E. earn). 

When the peoples had separated and reached other 
localities, names for different periods of the warm part of 
the year were coined, and existing terms were attached to 
definite periods. 

The existence of correlates like Sk. vatsds ' calf, L. vefus 
' full of years,' vituhis ' calf (' yearling '), A.S. w€^er ' wether,' 
seems to prove that the Aryans were able to conceive of the 
year as a whole. 

There was also a roundabout way of expressing the idea 
of year by means of an enumeration of its various parts, and 
in many of the Indo-European languages a fashion grew up 
of substituting a part for the whole, e.g., winter for year. 

A word for month has wide distribution — Sk. nuis, Gk. 
/x./)i', L. mcnsis, Goth. mend]>s, &c. 

There was also a word for moon belonging to the series, 
seen in Goth, mcna, but in many quarters it was replaced 
by words from fitting roots. 

When the moon had furnished a unit of measurement, 
observation would teach that some twelve of these units or 
months elapsed between the first appearance of the cold 
season and its re-appearance, and so long as there only 
existed a rough division of the year into a hot season and a 
cold season, the discrepancy between the lunar year and the 
natural year would not obtrude itself. 



lii Manual of Linguistics. 

A word for night runs right through the Indo-European 
languages : — Sk. fidktis, Gk. ro^, L. nox, Goth, finhts. 

A comparison of the words for summer and day does not 
reveal the community that a comparison of the words for 
winter and night does. 

That the Aryans measured the month by nights, just as 
they measured the year by lunar months, is evidenced by 
facts in language and by the reports of observers. Lan- 
guage proves that winter bulked very largely in the lives of 
the Aryans, and so must night, winter's ally and exponent. 
To this day in English we use the terms fortnight and 
sennight. 

In words for evening differences appear. A term for 
evening seen in Gk. iS-spa, L. vesper, &c., has some distri- 
bution. The term seen in A.S. is/en, G. abend is confined 
to Teutonic and is quite obscure. 

Before presenting any conclusion regarding the original 
home of the Aryans it will be proper and helpful to devote 
a page or two to record some of the results that have been 
arrived at anent the animals, the birds, and the trees of the 
primeval epoch. 

The animals domesticated by the Aryans were the cow 
(Sk. gdiis, Gk. /SoGc, L. bos, A.S. cu, &c.), the sheep (Sk. dvis^ 
Gk. o'lc, L. ovis, A.S. eowii, &:c.), the dog (Sk. svdn-, Gk. 
%-J'ji\, L. canis, A.S. hund, &c.). A word for goat, seen in 
Sk. ajds, Gk. a/'f, &c., has a measure of extension. 

There is even a common collective name for cattle (Sk. 
pdhis, from root pas, ' fasten, tether,' L. pecus, Goth, faihuy 
G. vieh. 

The pig was probably not domesticated when the peoples 



hitrodiiction. liii 

were still united. It must, however, have been known, for 
there is a common name (Sk. sn-kard-, Cik. uc, L. sus, A.S. 
su, &c.), Pig-rearing is not mentioned in early Indian 
literature, and implies a more settled life than can be pre- 
dicated of the original people. 

The horse, probably in a half-wild state, was known, as is 
evidenced by the names (Sk. dsvas, Cik. l-T'-roc, L. equus, 
A.S. eoh, &c.), but presumably was not used as a beast of 
burden. Words for riding differ in the various languages. 
From this one feels disposed to conclude that riding on 
horseback was not an established practice. 

The ass, the mule, and the camel were not known during 
the joint period. The mule is thought to have been first 
bred in Pontus, the ass and the camel, certainly domesti- 
cated at a very early period by the Asiatic branch, came 
originally from Eastern deserts and steppes. 

The absence of common names for ass and camel does 
not suggest an Asiatic site for the original home. 

Gk. hoc, and L. asinus are independent borrowings. G. 
Meyer (Brugmann's ' Indogermanische Forschungen,' vol. i., 
p. 319) says that the animal and the name were probably 
got from Asia Minor through Thracian-IUyrian intervention. 

To the same region he traces back niulus {mus/o, lo dimin. 
suffix), and making capital out of a remark of Anacreon's 
to the effect that the Mysians first bred mules, dubs 
the word an appellative (' the Mysian beast') turned proper 
name. 

Other animals named by the Aryans are these : — wolf 
(Sk. vrkasj Gk. >.uxoc, L. lupus^ Goth, iimlfs, &c.) ; bear 
(Sk. rkshas, Gk. apxrog, L. ursus, &c.) ; otter (Sk. udrds, Gk. 
xihfiog, G. otter, &c.); mouse (Sk. 7niish, Gk. iJ.\J:, L. //lus, 



llv Manual of Linguistics. 

A.S. viTis, Szc.) ; hare (Sk. sasds, A.S. /zara, G. Mse, &c.) ; 
beaver (Sk. babhrus, ' brown,' I., fiber, A.S. ^(fc;/^/-, O. /^//^er) ; 
polecat (Sk. kaslka, and Lithuanian cognate). 

The jackal belongs to the Asiatics. 

To the Europeans belong the hedgehog (Gk. £%/V6c, A.S. //, 
G. igel, &c.) ; the lynx (Gk. Xu/^, G. luchs, &c.) ; the weasel 
(Gk. a/sAo-jpog (aF'ffs/.-), A.S. wes/e, G. wiesel) ; the hart 
(i. Gk. 'iXafog, with Celtic, Slavonic, Lithuanian, and Ar- 
menian cognates, and 2. Gk. xspaoc, ' horned,' L. cervus, A.S. 
heorof, G. hirsch (/ als Ableitung bei Tiernamen im Germ.) 
Kluge) ; and the boar (L. aper, A.S. eofor, G. eber), &c. 

The words for fox are difficult — a/.wTjjg, said by Meyer 
to be a loan-word from a dialect of Asia Minor (with an 
Armenian cognate) ; viilpes, quoted by Wharton as dialectic 
and belonging to the Ii/pus-rov!. For the Gothic fauho a 
cognate seems to exist in the Laconian ipr,Za, so that the 
animal is probably European. 

The tiger, the lion, the elephant, and the ape have not 
common names and were not known to the united people. 
It is well, however, to remember that certain animals may 
not have had names specialised for them, and may have 
been merged in the general term ' wild beasts.' 

The name for tiger is of Iranian origin ; as to the names 
for lion, usually considered borrowings from the Greek, it is 
just possible that they may be to some extent independent 
formations. At any rate, it is difficult, on the hypothesis of 
borrowing, to account for the various forms of the name, 
and the animal was not unknown in Europe, for we read of 
lions in Thrace. 

In putting down common names for birds, one cannot 



Introduction. Iv 

but suspect independent, imitative origin. To this sus- 
picion are exposed the following : — owl (Sk. lUukas, L. 
ulula, G. eule) ; cuckoo (Sk. kokilds, Gk. y.&xxu^, L. cucTiluSy 
&c.) ; hen (Sk. krkavahcs, Gk. aipxo:, &c.) ; jay (Sk. kikidlvis, 
Gk. x/Wa G. hiiher) ; moorfowl (Sk, tittiris, Gk. Tirpaw, 
L. tetrao, &c. 

Outside these words of imitative origin there are few 
common names. Such are quail (Sk. vartakas, Gk. oprv^) ; 
goose (Sk. ha/'isds, Gk. ;i^»iv, L. {h)dnser, A.S. ^Jj, gandra, G. 
gans) ; duck (Sk. dtis, Gk. v^ffira, L. ands, A.S., ^«g^, 
G. ^«/^). 

Schrader also quotes as cognates Sk. syends ' eagle, 
falcon, hawk,' and Gk. iTtrTvog ' kite.' 

To the European languages belong these : — eagle (Gk. 
opvig, A.S. earn, Goth, ara, G. aar, &c.) ; crane (Gk. yspavog, L. 
grus, A.S. era//, &c.) ; wagtail (Gk. xiXXovpog, with Lithuanian 
cognate) ; throstle (L. turdela^ A.S. ^rostle, G. drossel, <S:c.) ; 
starling (L. star tins, A.S. steam, G. ^/^r) ; woodpecker (L. 
/J^«^5, G. specht). If the last names can be brought into line 
with Sk. pikas ' cuckoo,' they may be added to the group of 
common names. 

There are one or two European names of obviously 
imitative origin. These are crow (Gk. xopa^, zopuvrj, L. 
corviis, comix) ; hoopoe (Gk. sto-4/, L. ipupa) : owl (Gk. /Slice c, 
L. ^f/^d, but there is an Armenian cognate). 

There were no tame birds in the primeval period. The 
duck, the hen, and the goose were all wild. 

The only common word relating to fish in Indo-European 
is the word for eel (Gk. sy/j/.vg, L. anguilla, &c.). Even 
these are supposed to have been coined by each people 
separately from the word for snake, seen in L. angitis (A.S. 

d 



Ivi Manual of Linguistics. 

yce, G. unke). Now L. unguis and angidlla were popularly 
connected with each other, but the meaning ' eel ' is constant 
in 'iyyjKxig. Can this last be connected with Sk. dhis, 
Gk. s%/g ? 

There are not many tree-names common to the European 
and Asiatic branches. Such are birch (Sk. bkferjas, L. 
frdxtnus, A.S. l>eorc, G. birke, &c ) ; willow (Gk. tr'-a, L. 
v'ltex, A.S. u>I(S/g, G. zveide, &c., with a Zend cognate). 

The names that in various areas denote tree, pine, oak, 
are these: — Sk. dr/is 'tree,' ddru 'wood,' Gk. Spvg 'oak,' 
Maced. 8dpuX7.os 'oak,' L. /ar/x {darix) 'larch,' Goth, trtu 
' tree, ' G. zirbel 'stone-pine.' The original meaning, Schrader 
thinks, was tree (see later on). 

There is store of common tree-names in European : — 
oak, &c. (i. Gk. a/'y/Xw\]> 'species of oak,' alynpog 'poplar/ 
aiyaviri ' spear,' L. aescidus {aegsculus), A.S. dc, G. eiche, and 
2. 'L. querciis, A..^.ftirh 'fir,' G. fdhre) ; beech (Gk. (pnyd^ 
'oak,' "L. fdgiis, A.S. boc, G. buche); pine (i. Gk. tsuxjj, 
G.fichte {O.'H.G.Jiuhta), &lc., and 2. Gk. 'xirug, \.. ptnusiox 
p'ltnus (taken along with 'Sk. pfhi-ddms these names have a 
claim to be common) ) ; sallow (Gk kXizri, L. salix, A.S. 
ealh, G. sahl{weide), &c. ; hazel (L. cory/iis, A.S. h(Esel, G. 
hasel, &c.) ; elm (L. iilmus, A.S. elm, &c., perhaps Sk. 
dranyam ' wood ' (from arnmya-) ) ; alder (L. ainus {alsnus), 
A.S. air, G. erie, &ic., perhaps Sk. rshfis 'spear'); maple 
(Gk. aTtaoTog, L. acer, G. ahorn) ; ash (A.S. cesc, G. esche, 
&c.) 3 aspen (A.S. cesp, G. aspe, &c.) ; yew (A.S. Iw {eotv), 
G. eibe (O.H.G. Iwa), &c., from this comes Fr. if, through 
Mid. Lat. ivus). 

The Greek correlate for beech has assumed the meaning 



Introduction. Ivii 

*■ oak,' and in Slavonic there is no native term for beech. 
The Greeks must have passed from a country with beeches 
to one without. This tree, in fact, does not grow south of 
a Hne drawn from the Ambracian to the MaHan Gulf The 
original home of the Slavs was outside of the eastern 
boundary of the beech-zone, viz., a line drawn from 
Konigsberg to the Crimea. 

From the limited number of agreements in tree-names 
one is entitled, according to Schrader, to conclude that the 
country of the primeval people was not well-wooded (but 
the pine, the elm and the alder may perhaps be added, cf. 
tree-names above, and see later on). 

It is possible, however, to push a negative conclusion too 
far. It may be that the Asiatic branch on leaving an 
original home that was well-wooded, sojourned for a con- 
siderable period in a region that was comparatively treeless, 
and there lost the names they once possessed. On again 
settling in a forested district the names of the new coinage 
would not correspond to those that had first issued from 
the mint of the undivided people. 

Common names for birds are not so numerous as to 
justify us in asserting woods to have been a prominent 
feature in the landscape of the original home. 

If a consideration of other facts leads to the assignment 
of a somewhat bare district as the original home, the paucity 
of trees argued by the above comparisons will not be with- 
out corroborative force. 

There are no common names for mountain and valley. 

For water and its manifestations we have Sk. uddn-, Gk. 
vhup, L. unda, A.S. W(^tcr, Goth, wato, &c.; Sk. plu,pru 
'float, flow,' GL-rXsw, \.. pluit, A.S. fleotan, Sec. To Euro- 



Iviii Manual of Linguistics. 

pean belong L. aqua, Goth, ahwa, A.S. ea {cekzmi), G. 
aue ' Wasserland.' 

It falls now to utilise all that has been learnt regarding 
Aryan culture to assist in determining the scene of the joint 
life. 

This used to be laid in Asia. The primitiveness of 
Sanskrit, the ancient civilisation and traditional antiqueness 
of the East, the reputation of Asia as the officina gentium, all 
tended to the allocation of an Asiatic site as the scene of 
the joint life. 

Primitiveness of language proves nothing as to primitive 
home, and the presence of archaic traits in a language 
manifestly does not prove its speakers autochthonous in the 
district or zone. These traits, too, must be gleaned from 
documents of the same date, and must be appraised as 
well as counted. Civilisation is not so old as life or 
language, and depends so much on external and fortuitous 
conditions, that priority in civilisation does not argue a 
prior occupation of the country that is its scene. 

The possibility of another than an Asiatic scene in due 
course suggested itself. Latham, arguing plausibly that the 
whole must originally have been located where the majority 
of its parts are, maintained the possibility of a European 
home. Benfey, arguing from the absence of common 
names of beasts of prey, supported a European site, and 
located the original home north of the Black Sea, between 
the Danube and the Caspian. Geiger, to keep to the 
habitat of the bear, and Cuno, to secure a homogeneous 
area, put forward Germany as the most probable site. 
Posche, to account for the blondeness which he assumes to 
be a distinguishing characteristic of pure and original 



Introduction. lix 

Aryans, located the original home in West Russia, in the 
swampy district of the Pripet, a tributary of the Dnieper, 
where albinoes are rife. Lindenschmit, partly for common 
reasons, and partly owing to a disbelief that a race of 
Asiatic origin would have exhibited the energy and expan- 
siveness of the Aryans, pronounced against Asia. Penka, 
building on cranioscopy, has supplemented Posche's 
description of the pure Aryan, and making him out to be a 
dolichocephalic blonde, has found his most natural home in 
Scandinavia, a conclusion supported by the fact that the 
common culture revealed by an examination of the Indo- 
European language, is the same, according to Penka, as that 
revealed by an examination of the prehistoric remains found 
in Scandinavia. Tomaschek locates the original home 
somewhere near the Finnic-Ugrian domain ; Taylor, in 
arguing for an affinity between Finnic and Indo-European, 
is committed to a site that will explain this ; Pietrement 
imagined he had made out a case for Siberia. 

Only a year or two ago, J. Schmidt, influenced by traces 
of a duodecimal mode of reckoning discernible in Indo- 
European (chiefly seen in Teutonic, compare the breaks in 
formation after 12, 60, and 120; compare also the use of 
L. sescenti as a big round number with some sort of finality 
about it, also the break in the formation of Greek cardinals 
after 60), deemed it necessary to assume for the original 
home a site that was in touch with Babylonia, where the 
numeral system had 60 for a progressive basis. Thus would 
have been given the first definite proof of an Asiatic home. 
To begin with, such a mode is not to be detected in Indo- 
Iranian, and traces of a duodecimal reckoning are so wide- 
spread (found in China, and in Siberia ; compare also the 



Ix Ma nual of L inguistics. 

part played by the number 12 in matters Etruscan), that it 
seems difficult to localise one centre of diffusion. Besides, 
a prominence given to the number 12 (what of the 12 moon 
months, and the 12 added days) might account for excre- 
scences in the decimal system (60 = 5x12, 120= 10 x 12). 
See Hirt's article, ' Die Urheimat der Indogermanen,' in 
Brugmann's Journal, vol. i. page 464. 

Schrader's theory of the original home is plausible, well- 
reasoned out, and merits attention. It is proposed to give 
a brief account of it. 

Schrader prefaces his attempt to assign a site for the joint 
life of the Aryans by a determination of the spot where the 
Europeans and the Indo-Iranians respectively passed through 
periods of common culture. The scene of the common 
European culture he makes out to be the tract of country 
bounded on the south by the Danube and the Black Sea, 
on the east by the Dnieper, on the west by the Car- 
pathians, and on the north by the swamps and dense forests 
of Volhynia. The scene of Indo-Iranian culture is made 
out to be that portion of Eastern Iran that comprises the 
ancient provinces of Sogdiana and Bactriana. 

The first-mentioned site suits the facts that the data for a 
common European culture supply. The trees for which 
common names exist in European all grow here. In this 
area might very well take place that change from a nomadic 
to an agricultural life that the European common language 
reflects. The obstructions on the borders would give pause 
to nomadic habits, the closer packing in space, due to the 
repression of these habits, would force attempts to add to 
the spontaneous gifts of the earth, the fertility of the soil 
would richly reward and increase all such attempts. All 



Introductio7t. Ixi 

the animals peculiar to the European fauna are to be found 
here. Here too the sea, not known in the primitive life, 
would first be seen, and a term coined. And from this area 
we can most easily account for the passage of the Europeans 
into their historical homes. The Slavs and Lithuanians 
would follow the course of the Dnieper to their home north 
of the Pripet, outside the zone of the beech ; the Teutons 
would follow the course of the Dniester to their probable 
centre of diffusion, the basin of the Vistula and Oder ; the 
Italians and Celts together would follow the course of the 
Danube, the former passing into Italy by the Gulf of Venice, 
the latter going further up the Danube, and thence passing 
to their original seat, the central basin of the Rhine. 

The choice of Eastern Iran as the scene of the Indo- 
Iranian period of common culture, has much to recommend 
it. The region, not without facilities for a nomadic life, 
would induce and favour a transition to an agricultural life. 
Here also can be got the gold that was known to the Indo- 
Iranians. This region, too, is a long way from the sea, 
quite an indispensable condition for the scene of the joint 
Indo-Iranian life, inasmuch as the words for sea in Iranian 
and Sanskrit differ. The similarity that exists between 
river names in Sanskrit and Iranian is accounted for by the 
part that rivers play in this district. 

After thus allotting to the Europeans and the Indo- 
Iranians areas for their respective joint hves, Schrader sets 
about providing an area that will be suitable for the Aryan 
joint life before the dispersion. Roughly bisecting the dis- 
tance between the alleged European and Indo-Iranian areas, 
he selects for examination the tract of country that lies in the 



Ixii Manual of Linguistics. 

basin of the Middle Volga, north of the sandy steppes of 
the Caspian. Incidentally, he notes that this site will ex- 
plain many of the points of contact between the Finns and 
Aryans that language reveals. 

'Pa, too, the Greek name of the Volga, is made to yield 
evidence that favours this site. It may be supposed that 
the Finnish name Rawa or Rau, from which the Greeks 
got their 'Pa ('PaFa), derives from an I.E. sravd, adopted by 
the Finns, who entered this district after the departure of 
the Aryans. Rha has also been connected with Zend 
Ranha, the name of a mythical river, and seeing that 
Iranian tribes did once dwell in the neighbourhood of the 
Volga, this etymology is not to be lightly set aside. 

The climate of this area suits the facts that an examina- 
tion of language disclosed. The winter is long and severe. 
The hot season follows hard on the cold, and so little grada- 
tion is manifest in the passage from extreme cold to extreme 
heat, that there are practically only two seasons in the year. 
This is just the state of things that the common language 
reflects. The landscape is comparatively treeless, but on 
the banks of the rivers are found birches and willows, both 
primitive trees, as we saw above. The animals that figure 
in Indo-European equations are found in the steppe, viz., 
the wolf, the otter, the mouse, the hare and the polecat. 
The bear is not a native of the steppe. We must therefore 
suppose that his incursions into the alleged primitive area 
were frequent enough to procure him a name. The fox is 
found all over the steppe, though we saw that the name was 
in extension only European. Perhaps the Asiatic branch 
lost the name. All the primitive domestic animals are 
natives of the steppe — the cow, the sheep, the dog, the 



Introduction. Ixiii 

goat. The life here is still largely pastoral. Wealth is 
measured by flocks and herds. The ox is still the beast of 
burden, and horses are reared in half-wild herds. Of birds, 
the eagle, the falcon, the owl, the wild duck, the goose, the 
hen, &c., are found in the steppe. The streams are stocked 
with fish, so that the lack of a common name relating to 
fish must be owing to the fact that the primitive people were 
not educated up to the point of fish-catching. The love of 
sport in general is of late growth. Salt is plentiful in the 
steppe, and must have been known. The term must have 
dropped from the vocabulary of the Asiatic branch. The 
forms too for salt have features that only primitive words 
have. The dwellings are underground and altogether seem 
a reproduction of the Armenian -/.aTaynoi ohjai described 
by Xenophon. 

The manufacture of felt, a primitive industry, is still en- 
gaged in all over the steppes. 

A good case is thus made out for the site tentatively 
chosen as the scene of the joint-life. The inductions that 
an examination of the language caused to be drawn are 
fairly well borne out by the objective realities of the steppe 
country of the Middle Volga. 

It seems to me that Hirt (' Die Urheimat der Indoger- 
manen,' Brugmann's Journal, vol. i., p. 464) has picked some 
holes in this theory. He gives plausible reasons for adding 
the pine and the oak to the list of Indo-European tree- 
names. To the word appearing in Greek as op\Jz (' oak ') he 
assigns ' pine ' as the original, and ' tree ' as the engrafted 
meaning, quoting in support Sk. deva-ddrus and pitu-dariis, 
both denoting species of pines, and rejecting the Greek 



Ixiv Manual of L inguistics. 

meaning, as discounted by the shiftiness of that language in 
the matter of tree-names. 

Another pine row is got from ^\i. pttu-ddrus, Gk. t/V-jj^ 
L. plnus (from p'lttms or pits7ius). 

For quercus, G. fohre ' fir,' orig. ' oak ' — qit may be orig. 
p, cp. qifinque and tsu-s — he pushes forward additional 
cognates, viz., Goth, fairgiuii (* Gebirge,' ursprlinglich 
' Eichenwald,' dann ' Wald,' ' Wald-gebirge '), Sk. Fdrjanyas 
and Lith. Perkunas both thunder-gods, but now known by 
what was originally a by-name = oak-god. 

If this presentation of cognates is correct, the site chosen 
for the original home must be one where the four Indo- 
European trees (the birch, the willow, the pine, and the 
oak) grow together. Such a condition throws out of count 
not only Asia, but Schrader's steppe country. The site 
must be European and wooded, and Hirt pitches on the 
country on the Baltic just outside the N.E. corner of the 
beech zone. He chooses a maritime region, believing that 
the sea was known to the undivided peoples. The Eastern 
peoples lost the cognate of L. mare, &c. In the words of 
which vu.\jt is the Greek representative it is more correct to 
recognise something that was sea-going, besides, mare must 
be an old soldier, neuter stems in / belonging to an ancient 
and extinct formation. 

Perhaps agriculture was known to the Aryans, for the 
absence of common terms in East and West may be due to 
the loss of a culture-gain on the part of the East, brought 
about by a wandering over steppe country. 

The site chosen is favourable to bee-life, and has still 
wolves and bears. 

It is thus also possible to explain the archaic character of 



hitj'odiiction. Ixv 

the languages in the neighbourhood, viz., Lithuanian and 
Slavonic. They have been least subject to dislocation and 
foreign influence. 

How long the Aryans retained their purity of blood and 
racial solidarity, what effect race-mixture had in accelerating 
the disintegration, and in accentuating the differences of the 
cognate dialects, at what stage in speech-development, and 
to what extent, foreign factors began to colour the various 
results are questions that naturally suggest themselves, but 
do not admit of ready answers. 

It is at any rate true that for differentiation in language 
and ultimate disseverance a mixture of races is not 
needed. 

What the Aryans were physically, there are not sufficient 
data to pronounce. Some call the pure Aryan blonde and 
dolichocephalic, but the fact remains that very many of the 
so-called Aryans are dark and brachycephalic. Which of 
these represent the Aryan, and which the Aryanised races, 
is not positively certain. There cannot have been developed 
two distinct types of pure Aryans, for type is very per- 
manent, and it does not seem permissible to suppose that 
two racial types, before the appearance of language proper, 
were thrown together to evolve in social union but racial 
isolation, the parent speech of the Aryan tribes. 

A page or two on the opinions now generally prevalent 
regarding the origin of speech will fitly close the intro- 
duction. 

Speech arose at various points on the earth's surface. It 
was polyphyletic in origin and not monophyletic. The be- 



Ixvi Manual of Linguistics. 

ginnings of speech must have been the same all the world 
over, Man has the same speech-apparatus, and, at the 
outset, the same potentialities. The same surroundings, the 
same time would doubtless convert a Patagonian into a 
Plato. 

The first speech-sounds were doubtless due to reflex action 
of the speech-apparatus, responsive as it was to the many 
impressions from without. These speech-sounds were also 
of full content, and not at all comparable to the cut-and-dry, 
labelled sound-groups that we call words. 

Sentence-words were the units of primal speech. The 
so-called parts of speech were not yet differentiated. Any 
of them, and, it may be, more than one at a time, was im- 
manent, proximately or mediately, in any sentence-word. 
The latter was a sort of phonic nescio quid. 

Usage and reflection isolated sentence-words of similar 
application. Grouping would supervene, and a slow, a 
severely slow development would doubtless in the end pro- 
duce material that could be delineated in grammatical terms. 

Rising thought and a working knowledge of speech-craft 
must have made plainer the boundaries of these groups, and 
more sharply marked off" their members from the members 
of other groups. It may very well have been the generalisa- 
tion of phonic elements in master-words, phonic elements 
that may or may not have once represented a full idea, or 
the adaptation of phonic flourishes existing in what was pre- 
sumably often a song-speech, that has furnished the 
material and the scaffolding of subsequent inflectional up- 
building. 

Roots, as independent, spaced sounds, have been got at 
by analysis. They existed in the first speech in posse, but 



Introduction. Ixvii 

not in esse. Nobody ever talked roots in the usual sense of 
the word. They are only phonetic types, vocal ideas, 
sound - pictures without a setting. Nobody ever saw in 
growth a nutless kernel, or a pithless stem, nobody ever 
saw a live skeleton. 

The first words to be sure were not abstracts but con- 
cretes, and were predicated only of the objects, feelings, and 
phenomena of the daily life. Metaphors were in vogue 
early enough, abstracts were a late aftermath. No one can 
accurately describe the character of the Urwortcr without 
bethinking him of the character of the Urmensch. 

After having defined the first words in terms of [their 
character, it is expedient to define them in terms of their 
origin. What is the term that best describes the first words 
as created things ? Imitative, I think. By this I do not 
merely mean that cries (the pooh pooh theory), and imita- 
tions of natural and animal sounds (the bow ivoiv theory) 
furnished portions of the primitive vocabulary of man, but 
that this in its entirety consisted of reproductions or re- 
flexions of the sounds heard by him or made by him, of the 
vocal murmurs and functional noises that were repeatedly in 
his ears, 

I do not then think it right to say that there was no 
necessary connection between impressions and names. The 
name certainly reflected the impression of the namer. Im- 
pressions were not always full and square, nor even, such as 
they were, all caught. This may account for the variations in 
the names of familiar sounds. 

The creative stage in language has not passed. Paul m 
his Principles gives crowds of words of imitative origin that 
have been developed in later German. 



Ixvili Manual of Linguistics. 

I do not believe that the real first words were as much 
as I have just said. Set sounds did not come to order. 
There must have been many attempts and many failures, 
and the gamut of stable, intelligible sounds was probably 
not fatiguing in compass. 

It seems to me that one of the most powerful aids 
towards the production of articulate sounds must have 
been got from the vocal accompaniments of joint action, 
and from the choric recitative of festal gatherings. It was 
to the cries of men working in fellowship and co-operation 
(the yo-he-ho theory) that Noire traced the beginnings of all 
speech. 

In this connection I may mention an able article entitled 
' The Festal Origin of Human Speech,' contributed by Mr. 
J. Donovan to Mind for July 1892, in which, with words of 
weight, he argues that articulation had its origin in the im- 
passioned intonations of festal excitement. In the same 
article, if I understand him rightly, he throws out the 
suggestion that inflexional machinery may derive its origin 
and its scope from some sort of suffixal sing-song that 
attached itself to the chants celebrating diverse actions or 
scenes. 

Mention should also here be made of the part that gesture 
played in the development of speech. It aided in making 
speech articulate and intelligible. Had man not been an 
erect animal, with free hands, he would never have possessed 
language proper, nor, for that matter, any means of effective 
communication. Had he not elected or been constrained 
to employ his hands fully in other ways, gesture-language 
might perhaps have sufficed for the wants of the early man. 
As it is, gesture-language and speech proper went hand in 



Introduction. Ixix 

hand, and it was long till the latter could dispense with the 
former. 

Speech, as speech, cannot be called a scientific process, 
until set sounds with an established meaning can be pro- 
duced at will, to be readily apprehended by a second in- 
dividual. 

The earliest sounds used by man for communication were 
jjrobably in the main manufactured on the spot for the needs 
of the moment. 

When man in his communications with man was able to 
string a number of sentence-words together with a running 
cord of connection, he may be said to have passed, in- 
tellectually, the border line, whence, if progress had been 
arrested, man might have reeled back into the beast. 

I am well aware how slight and fragmentary the above 
sketch of the origin of speech is. Nevertheless I have 
deemed it advisable to set down something on this 
important topic. 



CHAPTER I. 

Letters — Their Origin and Order. 

Sounds and not letters are the units of importance in 
language. 

The time, however, occupied in the invention, develop- 
ment, and transmission of letters, has been so long, and 
their history is so bound up with the history of civilisation, 
that for these reasons alone, leaving out of count their 
claims as sound-symbols, some little space ought to be set 
apart to note points of importance and interest connected 
with their study. 

In this chapter the intention is to say just as much about 
letters as the heading indicates. 

Before letters, the art of ivritiiig existed. It was picture- 
writing, by means of what are called hieroglyphs, repre- 
senting at first honestly, then conventionally, the objects 
described. All systems of writing have had this natural 
origin. 

The next stage in the art of writing was the use of the 
hieroglyph to represent not only the form, but also the name 
of the object described. The symbol, having gained re- 
cognition as a sound-carrier, was then used to represent 
similar-sounding names. 

Next, and naturally, but not soon, it stood for the first 
syllable of the name ; finally, with a progressive people, it 

A 



2 Mamtal of Lmguistics. 

became an alphabetic symbol, standing for the sound of the 
first letter of the name. 

It is as if we were to make a picture of the beetle represent, 
first, the animal, then the sound of its name, then the 
sound of beetle ' hammer,' then the first syllable, and finally, 
the power of the letter b. 

The systems of picture-writing (omitting notice of savage 
systems) known to us are (i) the Egyptian, from which our 
own alphabet has ultimately come ; (2) the Mexican ; (3) the 
Cuneiform; (4) the Hittite; (5) the Chinese. Alphabetic 
symbols have been evolved from all, save the two last. 
From these have been developed syllabaries, the Cypriote 
and the Japanese. 

We got our alphabet from the Romans, the Romans got 
theirs from the Greek colonists of Cumae and Neapolis, 
who came originally from Chalcis in Eubcea. 

In our school histories of Greece we have all read that 
Cadmus the Phoenician brought letters to Greece. All the 
classical writers, from Herodotus to Pliny, affirm the 
Phoenician origin of the Greek alphabet. 

In this case tradition and fact are at one. The Greek 
alphabet is undoubtedly of Semitic origin. One has only 
got to compare the names and the numerical values of the 
letters in the Greek and Hebrew alphabets to become con- 
vinced of this. If, after inserting the yau, san, and koppa 
that the blanks in the numerical values of the Greek letters 
require, we compare as far as tau — the last letter of the 
primitive number — we shall have visible proof of the strong 
correspondence. 

All existing alphabets, moreover, come from the Semitic, 
not only the alphabets of the Semitic area, not only the 



Letters — Their Oricriti and Order 



fi 



■Greek (and Italic) alpliabets, but those of India (probably 
through the Sabean alphabet of Arabia Felix). 

The next question is — Whence did the Phoenicians get 
their alphabet ? Did they invent it ? The ancients pretty 
confidently believed that they got it from Egypt. 

It was the Frenchman De Rouge who first (in 1859) 
actually proved the Egyptian origin ofletters. Avoiding the 
mistakes of his predecessors, who, attempting to affiliate the 
Semitic characters to the Egyptian hieroglyphs, had been 
baffled by the dissimilarity in form (to say nothing of dis- 
agreement in names, order, and number) of the letters of 
the two alphabets, he sought for the prototypes of these 
Semitic characters in a cursive script that was of suitable 
date (viz., that of the Semitic occupation of Egypt), and that 
possessed forms fairly similar to the forms compared. This 
he found in the Hieratic script of the early empire. 

Selecting from this, as exhibited in the handwriting of 
the Papyrus Prisse (a MS. brought from Thebes to Paris by 
M. Prisse d'Avennes), the characters that were alphabeti- 
cally used, he compared their forms with those of the oldest 
available Semitic characters (the Moabite stone was not 
discovered till 1868), viz., those on the sarcophagus of 
Eshmunazar, King of Sidon. He was able to trace nearly 
all the Semitic letters to originals among the Hieratic 
normal symbols. For refractory letters he was also able 
to give explanations. 

Many of the outstanding differences between the forms of 
the letters in the two alphabets are due to the material used 
in writing. The Hieratic letters were written on papyrus 
with a brush-pen, the Semitic letters were written in stone 
with an iron pen. 



4 Ma mial of L ingii i sties. 

The alphabet, then, such as it was, was borrowed from 
the Egyptians during the dominion of the Hyksos, or 
Shepherd Kings, a Semitic stock, about the 19th century 
B.C. These on their expulsion diffused it over the zone of 
their influence, but previously and afterwards it was 
diffused among those with whom they had trading rela- 
tions by the Phoenician colonists who had settled on the 
Delta during the Semitic occupation, and had remained 
after it ceased. 

The Semites, rejecting non - alphabetic elements,, 
renamed, rearranged, and adapted for phonetic purposes 
the letters they had borrowed. The letters have often been 
renamed since. 

The Greeks, after adopting the Semitic alphabet, evolved 
characters out of the breaths and semj-consonants to ex- 
press vowels, thus contributing their share towards the 
perfection of the alphabet. Semitic has no true vowels ; 
in the primitive Egyptian the vowels were to a large extent 
inherent in the consonants. 

The force of the above argument seems to destroy al) 
chance of proving the Semitic alphabet to be of home 
growth. Besides, alphabets, like civilisations, have not been 
begun, developed, and perfected by one race, and within one 
area, at all sorts of odd points on the earth's surface. 
Transmission is the antecedent probability if the conditions 
are favourable. 

Attempts have been made to derive the Semitic alphabet 
from the Assyrian cuneiform, but as yet no plausible case 
has l)een made out. 

To tell why the letters of our alphabet appear in their 



Letters — Their Origin and Order, 



s ' 



present order rather than in another, it will be necessary to 
refer to the Semitic alphabet. Beyond this it will not be 
necessary to go, for, as we shall presently see, their present 
order is of Semitic upgrowth. 

For this purpose, let us look at the letters of the Hebrew 
alphabet. Transliterated they run as follows : — 'a, />, ^i^, d, //, 
■V, z, ch, t,y, k, /, //I, n, s, ^a,p, s, {/, r, s, t. Their names 
are a/eph, bct/i, gitnel, dalcth, he, van, zayiii, cheth, teth, yod, 
kaph, lamed, mem, nitii, samekh, ''ayiii, pe, tsade, qoph, 
resh, s/ii/i, tau. They exceed twenty-one, the third multiple 
of seven, by one letter. The positions of z, s, and s, are 
noticeable. They occupy, if k be placed beside (/ (of which 
letter it was originally a homophone, but became differ- 
entiated), the seventh, fourteenth, and twenty-first places, 
sacred places according to Semitic notions. If we now read 
over the letters, omitting the four sibilants, a certain method 
in arrangement appears to be present. Neglecting then z, 
s, s, and s, and also /c and r, variants of q and /, we have 
four breaths, followed by several letters of one class, viz., 'a 
by /^, g, d ; //by v, ch, t ; y by /, ;;/, n \ 'a by /, q, t. This 
seems to afford a clue to the arrangement. Evidently the 
classification is according to sound, as in the Sanskrit 
alphabet. 

There are other classifications of alphabetical symbols, 
viz., according to form, name, or date of introduction. 
The modes of classification have been called the phono- 
logical, the morphological, the ideological, and the chrono- 
logical. The position of the Greek letters of later origin — 
y, (p, x„-\,(*i — at the end of the alphabet is one of the best 
e xamples of chronological order. 

We may expect that the facts before us will not all be 



Marnial of Linguistics. 



explained by one of these modes. But let us first tabulate 
what we have ascertained — 



'a 


Brea 
h 


th s 

y 


a 


in b 

c 

ri 

m 

d 


Lab 

c ^ 
% P a 1 a 

.5 ch 
G Den 


i als 

m 
tals .'2 

tals J 

n 


p 

:-> 

t 


z 


Sibi 
s 


1 a n t s 

s 


s 



Here we have akph followed by three sonants, he by 
three continuants, yod by three liquids, and 'ayin by three 
surds, while to each of these groups there can be conveni- 
ently attached a sibilant. A cross reading proves too that 
the consonants after the breaths follow one another in the 
order of labials, palatals, dentals. 

It may fairly be argued that we have before us the 
original arrangement of the Semitic alphabet, and that 
based on phonological principles. If we suppose then that 
the introduction into the alphabet of the new letters k and 
?■ — k beside its original q, by right of descent, and r beside 
s, by name-association (resh 'head,' beside shin 'teeth)' — 
spoiled the harmony, and brought about a new arrange- 
ment in which z, s, and /, were to have the seventh places, 
we get an order that is almost identical with the received 
order of the Hebrew letters given above. By name-associa- 



Lettei's — Their Origin ajid Order. 7 

tion, k was afterwards placed after j- — kaph 'palm' after yod 
' hand ' — and w beside n — mem ' water ' beside nun ' fish.' 

No explanation is given in the authorities of the place of 
s in the received alphabet. The real meaning of tsade is 
not known. 

A very few considerations have enabled us to see how 
the received order of the Semitic letters has been evolved 
from the primitive phonological order. 

The order of letters in the Greek alphabet, which up to 
tau, corresponds closely with that of the Semitic, is of 
course explained by the explanation of the other. The 
letter tsade, Gk. san sampi, was lost out of the Greek 
alphabet, but was afterwards reintroduced to denote the 
numerical value t^oo. The loss is evidenced by the sudden 
break of identity in the numerical values of the Greek and 
Semitic letters. Among these, pi and pe both stood for 
80, while in Semitic, 90 was denoted by tsade, and in 
Greek by koppa, used only as a numerical sign. The cor- 
responding letter in Semitic, viz., qoph, stood for 100, a 
clear proof that a letter had dropped in Greek. 

The English order of letters is explained so far by the 
explanation of the order in its prototypes, but, adopted as 
it has been from the Latin alphabet, some details need to 
be added anent certain special features of the latter. 

It will also be convenient to insert here and there, as 
the case requires, facts of interest in connexion with the 
Greek alphabet. 

The Latin alphabet, as has been already said, was got 
from the Chalcidian colonists of Cumae and Neapolis. 
These used what is called the Western or Hellenic alpha- 
bet, and transmitted it to the Italians. The alphabet that 



8 Manual of Linguistics. 

ultimately prevailed in Greece during the classical period 
was called the Eastern or Ionian alphabet. 

Let us then, by way of fully accounting for the English 
order, notice the differences that exist between the Greek 
and Latin alphabets. 

In the Latin alphabet, we have c in the third place, and 
in the seventh g, while zeta has disappeared. Gamma was 
written as c in the Chalcidian alphabet, and this character, 
as records prove, had originally the value of a soft mute, 
but, owing it is said to the influence of Etruscan, which had 
not soft mutes, got hardened, and thus became synonymous 
with k (compare Chap. VII. p. 171.) After a while, k, a 
letter with which certain Latin words continued to be 
written, dropped out of general use, and c represented the 
sound of both k and g. Later on a differentiation of c, 
seen in our capital letter G, stood for the soft sound, and 
took the place in the alphabet that had been filled by the 
seventh letter zeta, the sound of which was not needed 
in Latin. Vau (F, called digamma, from its resemblance 
to two gammas superimposed) the sixth letter, which in 
the Eastern type of Greek alphabets had only a numerical 
value, kept its place in the Western, the parent of the 
Latin alphabet, but took on it the power oif. Its former 
power was w. 

The Greek eta and the Latin H have the same position, 
and the same form, but different values. In the Semitic 
alphabet, the eighth position was filled by cheth with the 
sound of ch in Scotch loch, but in the Greek alphabet this 
sound had been reduced to that of the aspirate, thus taking 
the place of the fifth letter he, out of which the vowel 
epsilon had been evolved. At first, the sounds of epsilon 



Letters — Their O right and Order. 



and eta were both denoted by £, finally, H, after doing 
double duty for some time as the representative of both 
eta and the aspirate, was set apart to denote eta, while out 
of the first half of a halved // was evolved'^^/the sign of 
aspiration. From the other half was evolved '. The 
characters for theta, phi, and chi, were used in Latin only 
for symbols of numerical value, though in Etruscan they 
had a position in the alphabet. Theta furnished a symbol 
for loo, which was afterwards accommodated in form to 
the initial letter of centum. From a variety of chi was 
evolved L, the symbol for 50, from phi, a symbol, which 
was afterwards confused with the first letter of mille. Psi 
and omega do not occur in the Chalcidian alphabet, from 
which the Latins got theirs. 

In the Greek alphabet, which originally ended with r, 
characters were obtained for the representation of <p, ;/, -\j^, w, 
by differentiating existing symbols. <& was obtained, through 
intermediate forms, and by differentiation, from the character 
for theta, not at all an odd proceeding, if we remember how 
frequently /and th have been interchanged. To represent 
the sound of theta, by the bye, the Greeks in adopting the 
sign for the Phoenician teth, made use of a character that 
stood for a sound quite foreign to their own tongue. A 
character for chi, originally represented, as was phi, by writ- 
ing the tenuis and aspirate, was got by differentiation, from 
K, for psi, by alteration of phi, and for omega, by a modifi- 
cation of capital omicron. 

It is well to remember that the Greek characters so familiar 
to us are quite modern minuscule developments of the 
eleventh century. 

In the Western type of the Greek alphabet, from which 



I o Manual of L mginstics. 

the Latin alphabet was derived, the sound called samekh in 
the Semitic alphabet, which in the Eastern type had, while 
keeping the original form, developed its sound to x, sided 
off into two sounds s and .v. The first of these had already 
representation in the alphabet, and was soon discarded, re- 
taining only numerical value, the second, was as a new letter 
transferred to the end of the alphabet. Koppa was retained 
in Latin, and, with the addition of u represented the velar 
guttural. 

Out of vau there was developed not only F, but a vocalized 
F, written K or in Latin \/. F retained the place of the 
present letter, while V was relegated to the end of the 
alphabet. 

The sound of V in Latin was w, the dental sound of the 
English V being probably not present in Latin and Greek. 
The stopped character of the consonant is, according to 
Taylor, proved by its name in Latin, viz., vi\ for, had it been 
a continuous consonant, it would have been called ev, on 
the analogy of ef, el, em, &c. 

The position of Y after r in the Greek alphabet proves it 
to have been the first of the additional letters. 

The differentiation and transference of X has been already 
spoken of. 

The character Y was introduced in Cicero's time to 
furnish a distinct sign for the Greek upsilon, which had 
formerly been represented in Latin by V, the equivalent 
ofoty. 

fZ ,!was reintroduced in the first century b.c. to transliterate 
Greek words. 

U (orig. the uncial and cursive form) and V (orig. the 
capital form) were made separate signs about the fifteentli 



Letters — Theii'' Oris'in and Oi'der. i i 



"<!> 



century a.d., ]/ (a favourite initially) being chosen to repre- 
sent the consonantal sound. \l\l (a ligature of two z^'s) ap- 
peared in the eleventh century. 

In the fifteenth century, / was manipulated by way of 
ornament at the beginning of a word, and provided with a 
little addition on the left side. This differentiated form, t/, 
was set apart to denote the consonantal sound. 

In the same century Z was taken into the English alphabet, 
to which it hardly belonged, from the French. 

It is decidedly worth inquiring why we say a, b, c, &c., 
instead of using a reverse, or zig-zag order, and Taylor's 
account, as just given, seems convincing. 

It is not the business of this chapter to trace the connexion 
between the various types of letters that have been used to 
represent sounds, nor is it its business to compare the primal 
types with the original prototypes. 

Graphic developments within the same hand are usually 
exaggerations of special features, and used either for pure 
ornament, as in Black Letter, or utilised for needful dif- 
ferentiations, as with the left turn of J, really an orna- 
mental /'. 

The dot on / was originally (the capital has none), in the 
shape of an acute accent, a diacritic, to help reading in such 
cases as in, iii ; in, iii ; u, ii, The dot is needlessly retained 
iny, thus proving the origin, and the date of the origin, of 
that letter. 

Punctuation is now mainly logical, but at first was perhaps 
an attempt to mark the sentence-accent. 



CHAPTER II. 

Sound Relations in Indo-European — Vowels and 

Diphthongs. 

The number of sounds that used to be allotted to primitive 
European was strictly limited. Especially was this so in 
the case of vowels. The scant number of vowels in San- 
skrit was supposed to reflect correctly the condition of the 
parent-speech. The primitive vowel system would probably 
have been put down thus :— Vowels : a, i, n ; Diphthongs : 
/?/, au ; Semi-vowels : y, v. 

Consonants were proportionately meagre. Under guttural 
were put down k,g, gh ; under dental, /, d, dh ; under labial, 
/, b, bh ; under sibilant, s ; under liquid, r, m, ii. Vowels 
and consonants together gave twenty sounds. 

Now-a-days we have some thirty-nine sounds allotted to 
primitive Indo-European. It is felt that there is no good 
reason for denying to the parent speech the richness in 
sounds that is the property of many later languages. Only 
the promptings of a false analogy, or the craving for an 
unnatural unity, could have induced another belief Why 
should not the parent-speech have had wealth and complex- 
ity of sounds ? Language even at its first beginnings must 
have had a fairly large capital of sounds. 

Is it likely that primitive man with his large powers of 
mimicry, remained, amid the myriad sounds of his surround- 



So2tnd Rclatio7is in Indo-Ettropean. 1 3 

ings, so unimpressionable, as the scant stock of sounds 
summarily assigned to the parent-speech would lead one to 
suppose, and this too at a time when the 7uiauces of thought 
and desire, such as these were, must have been expressed 
to a certain extent by tricks of sound? Would not this 
vocal range be afterwards reflected in the number and 
variety of speech-sounds, any later simplification being the 
result of a long period of wear and tear. 

But there is no need to weigh probabilities. The sounds 
of the parent-speech can be got at by the dry light of infer- 
ence. The sound-systems of its various families have simply 
to be compared and reasoned on. These families are the 
Iiido-lra?iian, the Armefiian, the Greek, the Albanian, the 
Italic, tlie Keltic, the Teutonic, and the Letto-Slavic. 

A comparison of the sounds found in these, has led to 
the assignment of the following sound-system to primitive 
Indo-European : — 

Vocalic, 

Vowels : a, s, d, i, ??. 
Diphthongs : di, ii, 6i, du, en, 6u. 
Indeterminate vowel : s. 

Consonantal. 
Semivowels : /, ?/. 

Consonant-vowels or Sonants : f, I, m, n. 
Spirants : J, v, s, z. 
Liquids : r, I. -. 
Nasals : ?n, ?i. - 
Explosives — 

Labials : /, b, ph, bh. 



1 4 Mammal of L inguistics. 

Dentals : /, d, t/i, dh. 
Palatals : k, g, k/i, gh. 
Velars : k'-f, g^, kM\ ghi'. 

Some deny a place in the list of vowels to / and u, pro- 
nouncing them transformations of ei and eii, through inter- 
mediate and of course derivative t, u. 

In addition to the labial and dental nasals mentioned 
above, there were also velar and palatal varieties. 

There was also a ?/, or modified ii, in the parent-speech. 

On comparing the new list with the old, it will be seen 
that the former has included e and o in the number of 
primitive vowels. These used to be considered, under every 
condition and in all circumstances, European weakenings or 
colourings of a, and by no means entitled to rank with the 
sacred triad a, i, ti. The part played by these vowels in 
Sanskrit vocalism was the cause of this belief, and doubtless 
the simplicity produced in the Gothic vocalism by the re- 
placement of e and o with / and a, strengthened this belief. 

All this has been changed. The omnipresent a of San- 
skrit has been diagnosed to be a late levelUng, and decom- 
posed into a, (?, 0, Curtius had, it is true, discovered that 
the European languages in similar circumstances have e^ 
but not to the same extent o, in common. 

It can be proved that a in many cases is not a primitive 
vowel. Nothing is more certain than that the second a on 
rrarpdai (Sk. pitrshii), taken with the p, is a Greek fashion 
of writing the Sk. ri- vowel. The insertion of an auxiliary 
vowel to facilitate pronunciation is often urgently required. 
The combination — consonant-vowel and parasite — was then 
generalised, and used where a positive phonetic need did 
not exist. 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 1 5 

In the face of this, it is manifestly absurd to call the 
■e and the o of, say bipxoij.ai and dsoopx.a, modifications or 
splittings of an a, seen in i'dpa-/.ov (Sk. ddrsam), which is in 
this case merely a ghost-vowel. Just so the a in 'iSaXov (for 
i&lo)), having only, one might say, an auxiliary existence, 
cannot be the sound from which has radiated the £ and 
seen in ^'s'kog and /SoA^. A comparison of nh^ (for rmca) 
and r&i/og with rar og (for rinog) — the nasal vowel is written 
a in Greek, as may be proved by putting side by side j^caroV 
(for iMiTov) and centum — of rs'/^i/w and toi^'^ with sra/jjov (for 
s7//i/Mjv)^ leads to the same conclusion. More on these 
syllabic liquids and nasals later on. In these words then, c 
and o have an independent existence. 

Further, it can be shewn that a, in Sanskrit, often 
functions as a palatal vowel would do in the circum- 
stances, and that, in such cases, e appears in Greek, and 
generally in European. 

Before the a of the reduplicated syllable in Sanskrit 
gutturals are palatalised, k appearing as c (the palatal, 
sometimes written c/i), g as/, &c. For example, the perfect 
of the root /car ' make ' is cakara, and the only possible 
explanation is, that, while the second a is the ordinary back- 
vowel, before which the guttural is stable, the first is a front 
vowel, presumably ^, before which the guttural is palatalised. 
In support of this, there is the fact that in Greek the vowel 
of the reduplicated syllable is e. Precisely the same ex- 
planation holds for the palatal oi ca (Gk. rs, L. que). These 
are only two of many similar instances. It appears then, 
that not only is a in European not always primitive, but 
that, in Sanskrit, it is sometimes demonstrably e, or a% as it 
is sometimes written. The vowel e must be admitted to 



1 6 Manual of L inguistics. 

have as high an antiquity as the vowel a. The primitive- 
ness of e involves that of e, and the diphthongs ei and eu. 

The proof that establishes the priority of e, also estab- 
lishes that of 0. They have always, so far as transmitted 
evidence goes, co-existed in verbal and nominal formations 
of established position and primary build, both singly, and 
in combination with semi-vowels and sonants. 

A correct estimate of the following facts ought to estab- 
lish the priority of o {o, oi, ou). To get these, extract the 
ablaut-vowels from OipyioiLai dsdopxa, prr/vv[xi tppuya, a/yvuij.i 
taya, and place beside these the corresponding primitive 
vowels of Teutonic. Thus : — 





Greek. 




Teutonic 


I. 


i : 


— 


e : a 


11. 


7] : w 


= 


e : a 


II. 


a : a 


^ 


a : a 



Teutonic replaces o by a, and w by a. The sound a from 
both originals afterwards passed into o. 

Assuming that the priority of £ and ri has been proved^ 
does any one believe that the o and w are other than 
primitive ? Is it likely that relations so manifestly organic 
owe their existence to a sentimental setting of the so-called 
splittings of a ? One had much better be true to the 
symmetry, and pronounce o and w as original as their 
correlates t and n- The e and o ablaut has quite as dis- 
tinctive position as the a and a ablaut. It is plain from^ 
a comparison of the two tables, that the a : a ablaut is a. 
thing apart and standing by itself. 

In this connexion it is proper to remark that Armenian^ 
a language usually classed as Asiatic, has a short e and o^ 



Sound- Relations in Indo-European. i 7 

but perhaps we ought to class it among the European 
languages, or call it a link between Asiatic and European. 

There is good reason then for declaring the European 
vowel-system to be more primitive than the Indian. We 
may either say that e and o in Sanskrit have been levelled 
under a — in an open syllable, is in Sanskrit represented 
by a — or that « is a graphic expedient to denote what had 
better have been denoted by another sign. In scientific 
language e, o, a, are sometimes written a^, a-, a^ ; e and o, 
a'' and a' . (See page 140). 

What is in the new list called the indeterminate vowel, 
and represented by the current symbol for an obscure 
vocalic sound, viz., a turned e, appears in Sanskrit as / (as 
a before /-vowels). In European languages, this vowel was 
levelled under a. For an example take Sk. pita, Gk. 
-arrtp, L. pater, Goth, fadar, O.H.G. fater. In Greek, the 
analogy of strong e- and f-forms sometimes brings about 
the intrusion of e and instead of the usual a — sr&c 
(L. sdtiis), doro; (L. ddtiis). 

The next addition to the original list is furnished by the 
presence of the lingual and nasal consonant-vowels r, /, 
III, 11. These are also collectively called sonants, or sub- 
divided into syllabic liquids — r, /, and syllabic nasals — m, 
n. Their sounds are heard in the English words butter, 
bottle, buxom, button. The full consonant equivalents of 
these are heard in butterine, bottler, buxomer, buttoner. 

All the consonant-vowels have not separate characters. 
Sanskrit represents, with variations, /- and / by the ri- and 
//-vowels. The nasal vowels in Sanskrit, and both sets of 
vowels in other languages, are represented by the ordinary 

B 



/ 



1 8 Manual of L inguistics. 

nasal and lingual consonants, preceded, or, as in Greek, 
followed by a developed inorganic vowel. Of these sounds 
there are short and long varieties. For their representation, 
consult the table of sounds. Examples will be found in 
the commentary. 

It will be seen that in the present list of primitive sounds 
the place of the old simple gutturals is taken by two rows 
of consonants called respectively palatals and velars. The 
palatals are formed by the action of the tongue against the 
hard palate, the velars, by its action against the velum palati 
or soft palate. 

"~ In Latin, Greek, and Celtic, the palatals are written as 
simple gutturals, but appear in Sanskrit as s (r), j, {jJi) h. 
s is called the palatal sibilant in Sanskrit grammars, and 
is set down with the pronunciation s/i. In Brugmann's 
grammar, the characters used to represent them are I', g, gh 
(with small arch over guttural), k (Sk. s) has become a 
sibilated spirant in Sanskrit ; all three {k, g, gh) have become 
sibilated spirants in Zend, Letto-Slavic, and Armenian. 

The velars appear in Sanskrit (and Zend) as simple 
gutturals (or palatalised gutturals), without any labial modifi- 
cation, as also in Armenian and Letto-Slavic ; in Greek, 
their treatment is twofold, and will be alluded to presently ; 
in Latin and Teutonic, they often appear with full labial 
modification — qiiis, Goth. h7vas. 

In Greek, Latin, Teutonic, and Celtic — not necessarily 
in all three at once — the velars, however, also appear as 
simple gutturals, and sometimes, as in the question, ' hard 
palatal or hard velar,' it is only by a comparison with 
Sanskrit that we can determine to which row of gutturals 
the sounds under examination belong. 



Sound- Relations in Indo-European. 19 

In the foregoing list the velars have been set down as 
kv,g-', gh'J. Brugmann writes the hard velar as </, and uses 
a modification of ^ to represent the soft velar. 

In Sanskrit, the velars are palatalised before /, and before 
a^ corresponding to European e, and represented in writing 
by c {ch), ;, ( jh) h. These are called palatals in Sanskrit 
Grammar. The characters /, and {Jh) h, thus represent 
both palatals and palatalised velars. 

After these remarks on the general representation of 
palatals and velars, it will be necessary to notice one 
or two particular transformations to which velars are 
subject in Greek. 

Before r;-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, before 
liquids and nasals (and before t, t\ i), the velars become — 
rounding was induced, and lip-stoppage substituted for back- 
stoppage — respectively by action of the labial element 
T, 13, (p, e.g , S'To/xa/ (L. sequor), uTrrpov 'water for washing' 
(Sk. jn'/:fds 'washed off); !3alvc^ (L. vem'o I.E. g'-'mi/); 
cpowg (Sk. ghndnti ' they strike '). These transformations 
used to be called labialisms, and explained by the supposed 
intrusion of a parasitic u. 

Before /, e, the velars become respectively r, 0, (', e.g., '^k 
•(L. quis); hi7.(puc. 'womb' (Sk. gdrbhas, A.S, cealf 'calf') ; 
kpiiog (L. formi(s). In rig &c., the velar guttural has been 
drawn forward by the front vowel to the dental position. 
Compare the change wrought on the original initial velar 
guttural k'^' in Sk. cakrds (Gk. x-JxXog (/cFe^cAoc), A.S. hweo- 
gel, E. wheel, I.E. k'-'ek'-'ro). It must not be supposed 
however that this Sanskrit palatalisation, and the inter- 
mediate palatalisation that is to be inferred in the passage 
of k'-' into r in Greek, were synchronous, for the - only 
appears in words that have congeners with - (r/; and 



20 



Manual of Lingtiistics. 



■-d-if'og). The labial after-sound must then have been felt, 
and the attracting force of the succeeding front vowel have 
been exerted despite the existence of said sound. There 
must also have been some peculiarity about the pronuncia- 
tion of these labialised gutturals that rendered them liable to 
be thus acted upon, for velar k without labial modification 
remains even when followed by a front vowel. 

The last-named transformations of original velars in Greek 
used to be called dentalisms, and explained by the intrusion 
of a parasitic /. 

The subject of palatals and velars is such a hard one, 
that the subsequent tables will to a certain extent be an- 
ticipated, and some of the main facts relative to their 
representation be set down at this point. 





I.E. 


Sk. 


Gk. 


L. 


Teut. 


m 
f— 1 

> 


k 


s(?) 


y. 


C 


h 


g 


J 


7 


g 


k 


gh 


h 


Z 


ll,g 


g 


k^ 


k 


c 


6 
— li 

OJ 

8 o 

(A 

U 

s 

> 

9 


ft V 

d -^ 

> 


N 1 ^ 1 ^= 
without labial modification 


qu,c 


TO a 

It labial modification 


hw 


c 


•13 


g^ 


g 


> 


gu,g,v 


kw 



g 

k ."3 


ghU 


gh 


(jh)h 


gu,v, 
f,b 


o 


(g)w 



g "^ 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 2 1 

The hard aspirate velar kh'-', without labial modification, 
is seen in Sk. sa?iklids 'conch-shell,' Gk. myx/i 'mussel,' 
L. congius 'quart'; and, with labial modification, in Sk. 
nak/ids, Gk. oci/f, L. unguis. 

It ought to be stated here, that, in the parent speech, 
there were perhaps two varieties of palatals — one, the pure 
palatals, the other, the sibilated variety appearing in Sanskrit, 
Zend, and Letto-Slavic. 

Sometimes, in words which had a velar in Indo-European, 
no trace of the labial after-sound is found in any of the 
labialising languages — Gk. x6ros, L. cutis, A.S. hyd, O.H.G. 
hut (G. haut). 

In these cognates, however, the absence of the sound 
in question can be accounted for, since u disappeared before 
u in these languages. 

With regard to the non-labialisation of certain languages, 
there are as yet no definite data to decide whether this 
feature was in them from the beginning, labialisation being 
a special, self-developed characteristic of the labialising 
languages, or whether an originally common process became 
narrowed in its sphere of operation. 

Perhaps the ordinary labialisable velar, and the unlabial- 
isable velar of Sanskrit, Zend, and Letto-Slavic, may repre- 
sent two varieties of velars. It is odd that the languages 
which sibilate the palatals have no labial modification of 
the velars. Were these sibilating and non-labialising peoples 
neighbours in the original habitat ? Not that this one agree- 
ment entitles us to postulate original uniformity in other 
particulars. It is also to be noted that in the non-labialising 
languages there is sometimes an interchange between palatal 
and velar explosives. 



22 Mamuil of Linguistics. " 

It falls now to state in tabular form some of the principal 
correspondences that obtain between the sounds of certain 
representative Indo-European languages, viz., Sa?iskrit, 
Greek, Latin, Gothic, A?igio-Saxon, and Old High German. 

The commentary registers certain noticeable representa- 
tions that are not always noted in the table. For further 
remarks on Anglo-Saxon vowels, consult Chaps. VI 11. 
and IX. 

This is perhaps the place for a little historical matter 
anent these languages. Sanskrit is one of the Aryan 
languages, the others are Zend and Old Persian. The 
name is properly applied to the literary language of the 
learned and priestly class. The vulgar dialect was called 
Prakrit, and from it have come the present languages of 
India. Greek is a general name for three dialects, tradition- 
ally known as Doric, ^^olic, and Io?iic. 

The Teutonic languages were divided into two groups, 
East Germanic and JVest Germatiic. The members of the 
iirst are Gothic, and Norse {Swedish, Danish, Nortvegiati, 
and Icelandic^. Gothic means the language of the Western 
Goths of the Balkan Peninsula, into whose language Ulfilas 
translated the Scriptures in the fourth century. The second 
group is composed oi Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisiati, Old Saxon, 
Old Dutch, and Old High German. 

Here follows the promised table : — 



Sound Rdaiions in Indo-Enropean. 23 



I.E. 


Sk. 


Gk. 


L. 1 


Goth. 


A.S. 


O.H.G. 


a 


a 


a 

1 


a 
e 

i 
u 


a 


a 
ae 
ea 
e, 


a 
e 


a 


a 


a 

»? (Ionic) 


a 





5 
e 


uo 


e 


a 


e 


e 
i 
u 



i 
ai 


e 
i 
eo 


e 

i 


e 


a 


n 


e 

ae 
oe 
I 


e(ei) 


6(e) 
i 


a 

i 





a 




V 




u 
e 

i 


a 


a 

ea 
e 


a 
e 


5 


a 


w 



tl 





5 
e 


uo 


i 


i 


I 


i 
e 


i 


i 
e 


i 
e 


I 


I 


I 


i 


ei 


I 


I 


u 


u 


V 


u 


u 
aii 


u 

y 



u 



tl 


il 


V 


ft 


ft 


ft 


ft 


ai 


e 


ai 


ae 
e 


ai 

1 


a 
se 


eie 



2 4 Manual of L inguistics. 



I.E. 


Sk. 


Gk. 


L. 


Goth. 


A.S. 


O.H.G. 


ai 




See 


Examp 


les 






ei 


e 


ei 


ei 

i 


ei 


1 


I 


ei 




See 


Examp 


les 






oi 


e 


01 


oe 


ai 


a 


ei 
e 


di 




See 


Examp 


les 






au 


6 


(W 


au 

ft 




au 


ea 


(au)ou 



1 


au 


au 


av 


au 
av 






1 


eu 





eu 


eu 
ft 


iu 


eo 


iu 
eo 
io 


eu 




See 


Examp 


les 






ou 





ov 


ft 




au 


ea 


(au)ou 
6 


6u 


au 


ou 


av 









Sotind Relations in Indo-Eziropcan. 2 5 

These Indo-European sound-correspondences will now 
be illustrated by examples taken from each of the languages 
in question. The very possibility of a tabular statement 
implies, and consistency no less than brevity demands, that 
these illustrations be furnished by cognate words. 

Certain main transformations that the original sounds 
undergo in the various languages will at this point, as a rule, 
be simply referred to as illustrations of certain well-defined 
sound-processes. In another chapter (V.) will follow defini- 
tions of these processes. It will, however, be well to give 
under each sound such explanatory matter as cannot well be 
held over, or can there be most conveniently given. 

a : Sk. djras ' plain,' Gk. ay^ui^ L. agcr, Goth, akrs, A.S. 
cecer^ O.H.G. acchar (agros). 

Sometimes / appears in Sanskrit, instead of a. Take as 
an example pitdr- (Gk. ■-arr^f). In this word, the a re- 
presents the indeterminate vowel, which appears in European 
as a. 

For the replacement of a in Latin by e, /, and u, take 
as examples confectus (Jacio), recupero {paro), mde (svOa) ; 
manciphan and mancupiitm {capio), insilio {salio), adigo 
{ago), attingo {tango), insulto {salio). These replacements 
are found in unaccented syllables — e in closed syllables, 
before ;-, and when final ; / or n {i.e. ii) before labials, before 
/ in open syllables, and before )ig ; u before / followed by 
another consonant, but not before //. 

In Anglo-Saxon a: for a, as in lecer, is found mostly in 
closed syllables, or in such as were originally closed, as 
cecer (Goth, akrs) ; ea is due to breaking — eax (L. axis), or 
2i!-umlaut — ccarii and cam. For changes wrought on ea by 
umlaut, see Chap. V. For an example of c, due to /-umlaut. 



2 6 Manual of L ingu is tics. 

take ecg ' edge ' (L. acies) ; for o, used interchangeably with 
a before nasals, take mgnn, finally supplanted by mann. 
There are two os in Anglo-Saxon — the last mentioned, open 
o (Goth, a), alternating with a, and a close o, from original «. 

For an example of umlaut-^ in Old High German, repre- 
senting original a, take elbir ^swan' (L. albus). This um- 
laut however did not take place, if there intervened a con- 
sonant preceded by /, r, h — nahtim ' iiodibus.' 

a : Sk. bhrafar-, Gk. !ppu.rr,p, L. frdter, Goth. brb\ar, 
A.S. bro^or, O.H.G. bruoder. 

In Teutonic (?, was everywhere changed into o, which 
passed into uo in Old High German, through the inter- 
mediate stages oa and iia. 

The e that appears in Anglo-Saxon is due to /-umlaut, and 
may be seen in dat. brewer, or, if an independent word is 
wanted, in grene ' green ' {growan ' grow '). 

Final o (orig. a) is shortened to a in polysyllabic words — 
Goth. ]ni/da, O.H.G. diofa (G. deutsch, E. Dutch), A.S. ^eod. 
Compare O.L. touto (Oscan inedix tuticus 'curator populi'). 
In Anglo-Saxon, long stems drop the vowel, short stems have 
u (o). 

e : Sk. dsti, Gk. srrri, L. est, Goth. I'sf, A.S. is, O.H.G. ist. 
Short e appears in Sanskrit as a. Sometimes / occurs in 
place of original e — mmdd ' defect' (L. meiida). 

For / in Latin, take as examples (a) in originally un- 
accented syllables — obsideo {sedeb), agite {ayin) (b) in closed 
syllables followed by nasals, notwithstanding accent — in, 
intiis {I'i, hro:), qiimque (-Tjvrs). Perhaps /, to begin with, 
only appeared in in, when followed by a consonant. Then 
followed levelling of the ^-form under the /-form. But t7i was 
usually proclitic and unaccented. Note also dignus {decet). 



Soimd Relatio7is in Indo-European. 2 7 

The / in the last word is long, in conformity with a law of 
the classical period, assigning length to every vowel before 
f/f, ns, !r,i, g;n. 

Original e also appears in Latin as a — angi/iila ii'yx^'^^i)^ 
f/iagnus {fisyag), vas (a-(^)£t)>wO;), pated (rsT-cci'vy//./), flagro 
{(pX'iyu), natjciscor (biyxsTv) ; and as ^/, — u/c'us (vukus, 
velcus — eXjco;), pluit {'T'ki[F)oj), )iovus (^^(F)oJ), socer (sKvpog), 
coquo (Tiffffw). 

e remains before r—fero, double consonants — obsessus, 
and finally — agite (aysn). Note se?i (sl-zie). 

I.E. e was replaced in Teutonic by z (a) before nasals + 
consonant — A.S. bindan (Gk. ■rsuhpog 'father-in-law') 
('connexion'), L. offendimentuni 'chin-cloth' (bhendh-) (b) 
before a syllable containing /, /, or I — Goth, ist^ A.S. is, 
O.H.G. ist (Gk. Igt'i) (c) before a syllable containing u 
■ — A.S. sibiiu, Goth, sibun, O.H.G. sibu?i (Gk. scrra) (d) in 
enclitic words — A.S. ic, Goth, ik, O.H.G. ih (Gk. J/ci), and 
unaccented syllables — Teutonic nominal suffix -iz (Goth. 
agiza 'fear'), corresponding to Sk. -as, Gk. -sc, L. -es. 

At this point, the replacement of e by / stopped in West 
Germanic, but Gothic — Gothic and Norse represent the 
East Germanic branch of Teutonic — replaced every e by /, 
which before h and r again became e, written ai. 

It is to be added also that, in Anglo-Saxon, original e 
before simple nasals, became / — A.S. nvnan, O.H.G. 7iemati, 
Gk. I'f/i.w. This change also took place in words borrowed 
at an early date from the Latin — A.S. gimm 'gem,' L. 
gemma, A.S. piun, L. penna. 

A good example of original e running right through is 
Sk. bhar-, Gk. <pipt», L. fero, Goth, bairan, A.S. beran, 
O.H.G. beran (bher-). 



2 8 Ma mtal of L ingzi is tics. 

Besides original e, sometimes for distinction written 4 
tliere was anotlier e, the product of umlaut. It is uncertain 
which of these was close, and which open. Sweet and 
Sievers give umlaut-t? as an open sound. Wright, in his 
Old High German Primer, would have it that umlaut-e? 
had a close sound, like the / producing the umlaut. 

ai in Gothic is due to breaking, eo in Anglo-Saxon is- 
due to the same cause. For changes wrought on eo by 
umlaut, see Chap. V. 

e: Sk. dhdnavi 'position,' Gk. (^/^(tco, Qjoih. gade\>s 'deed, 
position,' A.S. dfed, O.H.G. tdt (dhe(k)-, L. facio has 
reduced root). 

Sanskrit replaces e by (7. That e did once stand i& 
proved by the palatalisation it effected on the preceding 
velar before its disappearance — cp. Sk. -jdni 'wife,' Gk. 
ywi], Goth, kzvens. 

g occurs in Greek in place of original e — ^e'w ' spin,*" 
Goth. nc])hi ' needle.' 

e, in Latin, is spelt ae and oe, as praeluiii beside prelum 
* wine-press,' zxad. foetus beside y?///i. 

Perhaps owing to a following / or /, e is in Latin also 
represented by J, e.g., delinid and delenio, sub tilts for subtelisy 
from tela ' web.' 

In Gothic, e was sometimes spelt et (arguing closeness) — 
kweins beside kwens. Sometimes, before vowels, an ai {ay)' 
appears for I.E. e — saiaii 'sow' (L. semen), waian (Gk. 
a.{F)ri,'J'i). 

In Anglo-Saxon ce represents Teut. open e (sometimes 
for distinctness written id). The Old High German repre- 
sentation is a, and it is doubtful whether A.S. ie has passed 



Soimd Relations in Indo-Eitropean. 29 

through a to its present state, or whether it represents the 
Teut. long ^-sound. There is another long c-sound, rather 
rare in its occurrence, close in quality, which is represented 
in Anglo-Saxon by <?, in Old High German by ea, ia, ie. 
This, like the first, is represented in Gothic by*?. Brugmann 
says that this close e can hardly come from I.E. c. For an 
e.Kample of this sound take Goth, her, A.S. her^ O.H.G. 
hear, hiar, hier. 

Teut. fe appears in Anglo-Saxon as 0, before nasals — A.S. 
mona 'moon,' Goth, mena, O.H.G. inano, Gk. 'J^wf^. This 
change, in Anglo-Saxon, of Teut. ce (West Germanic a), into 
0, will be a parallel to the change of a into in the two 
varieties inann and vionn. Perhaps it was on the passage 
through a to fc alluded to above that the nasalisation took place. 

This 0, the product of nasalisation, was in Anglo-Saxon 
imilauted to e, as in civen ' woman ' (Teut. cwontz), wen 
'hope' (Goth. 7vens, O.H.G- wan), he/a 'heel' for hohila 
<cp. A.S. hoh 'hough'). 

I.E. e also appears in Anglo-Saxon, and in Teutonic 
generally, as / — A.S. wind, Goth, winds, O.H.G. wifit 
(L. ventus, Gk. a{f)r[ixi) {ijento-). Sometimes I.E. <? is 
shortened in Teutonic to e, before liquid and consonant. 
This, in Anglo-Saxon, is broken to eo, or, with /-umlaut, 
appears aszV, _y — A.S. heorte, Goth, hairto («i = broken e), 
O.H.G. herza (Gk. x^p) {herd-). 

o: Sk. ashtaii, Gk. o;«rw, L. octo, Goth, ahtdic, A.S. eahta, 
O.H.G. ahto. 

Short in Sanskrit appears as a. In open syllables a 
a.ppears^'ddam (Gk. co'oa). Before a, representing original 
.^, palatalisation did not take place, as it did before a, repre- 
senting original e. 



2)0 Mamml of L mguistics. 

For example of u occurring in Greek dialectically for 
take <p'j'Kk<jy (L. folium), rot, (L. nox, Goth. 7iahts), 
Ij.'jM ' mill ' (L. /;io/a, Goth, ma/an ' grind '). 

In Latin, o appears as 2/, e, i. In unaccented syllables, u 
is found in place of the older o^fdius {fllios), but the is 
kept before r = s, and after 71, ij — temporis {tempozis), mortuos, 
VIVOS (forms in -tis late), u also occurs in accented syllables, 
especially before nasals — u?icus ' hook ' (Gk. oyzoc), uncia 
' ounce ' (Gk. oy/.o: ' bulk '), nml>d ' boss ' (Gk. &/xf «?.&$ 
' navel '), unguis ' nail ' (Gk. o'l'i^^). 

e replaces o finally — sequere (Gk. eTE((r)o), ilk, iste i^ollo^ 
'^esto), and in unaccented closed syllables, or after i—hospes, 
for Iiostipes {potis), societas {socio-). 

/also represents 0, in unaccented sy\\Qh\e?,—liicd{i}i{s)locd) 
' sur-le-champ, auf der Stelle.' 

vo sometimes becomes ve — veiiia (Gk. ovin,iu), vester and 
voster, verto and vorto. 

Some say that ov may pass into av — cavus (Gr. /co&z 
'excavations'), avis (cp. Gk. h{F)ioivoi, 'bird'). 

In Teutonic, was replaced by a in all accented syllables, 
but probably remained extant in unaccented syllables before 
nasals. 

In Anglo-Saxon, this vicarious a underwent all the changes 
of real a, viz., the change to a, the breaking to ea, the 
passage by umlaut to e — hcT^sel (L. corylus), heals (L. 
collum), mcne ' neck-chain ' (L. vwnile). For t^ in Old 
High German, the result of umlaut, representing (O.H.G. 
a), take ncstila ' band ' (L. mdus for nozdus). 

6 : Sk. pdtram ' vessel,' Gk. Tw/^a ' lid,' Goth, fidr 
'sheath,' X.^.fodor, O.H.G. fuolar 'case' {G. fuller). 
Sanskrit replaces by a. 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 3 1 

In Latin a cognate is wanting. For original dm. Latin, 
take as example flos (A.S. blostma). appears sometimes 
in Latin as Ti—fFir (Gk. fwp), ul)ia (Gk. uXsvyj). 

Both and a were represented in the Teutonic dialects 
by 0, and underwent the same changes. As example of /- 
umlaut of original o in Anglo-Saxon, take demaii ' deem ' 
(A.S. doDi ' doom'). 

For the genesis of uo, as representative of in Old High 
German, see above under (7. 

final did not pass into uo, but appears in Old High 
German as k, and in Gothic as a — O.H.G. /n'ru, Goth. 
/>aira (Gk. (pspu). In Anglo-Saxon, the -// was replaced by 
the optative termination -e. 

i : Sk. vidhdvd, Gk. i{F)idi{f)o;, ' batchelor,' L. vidua, 
Goth, widuwo, A.S. 7videzve, O.H.G. witiiwa. 

In Latin, e appears for /, before r (s) — sero {*siso) and 
finally — a^ite (Gk. ai/7/'). / final also drops — ad (Sk. ddhi). 

I.E. i becomes e in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
German, before an rt; or 6* of the following syllable, 
unless conserved by an intermediate / or / — A.S. tiest, 
O.H.G. nest (L. nidus for nizdos). This was not a very 
common change, and its wording for Teutonic is not quite 
certain. Levelling under related z'-forms also interfered 
with its operation. It occurred most regularly before r and 
h — A.S. wer ' man ' (E. ivenvolf), O.H.G. wer (Teut. 
wiraz, wiroz) (G. werwolf), cp. L. vir. 

This e was of course changed to / (and, like original z, 
broken to e, written a'l, before r and h) in Gothic. 

i : L. suinus, Goth, swein, A.S. szoifi, O.H.G. swJn. 

For Sk. /, take p'ltds ' drunk ' (cp. Gk. ■rTt)/), for Gk. /, 
takeVs (L. vis). 



3 2 Manual of L inguistics. 

u : Sk. yiigdni, Gk. t;oy6v, L. juguni, Goth. /'///', A.S. geoc 
{jnc), O.H.G. yW/. 

In Gk. oXoXxjI^oj (L. z^/wAz ' screech-owl '), o appears for 
■J. V in Greek had once the sound of ii (ov), and this sound 
was kept for many generations in certain dialects — Bceot. 
Xiyovpoc = Attic Xiyupcg. 

There is a change (dissimilation) of v to / in Greek 
before following v — cr/i/yrog for Tuv-jrog (Sk. pimami ' I 
clean.') 

Before labials and /, u in Latin becomes /, or rather 
something between / and u (i.e. //) — libet and lubet, lacrima 
and lacruma. 

After / and r, u in Latin came to be written v — iniluus 
' kite ' and m'llvus, silua and silva. It was dropt finally— 
red- (for redii, cp. iiidii.) 

The aii that appears in Gothic is due to breaking — daur 
(Gk, &'opa). it was broken to open o before r and //, and this 
written ait. i- umlaut produces y in Anglo-Saxon — cyssan 
' kiss ' (L. gusto). The eo of geoc is due to the influence of 
the palatal. 

I.E. II appears in Anglo-Saxon and Old High German as 
o, before a syllable containing a or o, unless conserved by a 
following nasal -1- consonant, or an intermediate /or / — A.S. 
oxa, O.H.G. ohso (Sk. itksha). This o was changed to u in 
Gothic and broken to an (open a) — auhsa. 

West Germanic a usually remains in Anglo-Saxon, but 
before nasals u is found — geniimen 'took,' O.H.G. ginoman, 
A.S. guma 'man' (E. (bride)g{f)oom), O.H.G. gomo (G. 
{brduti)gam), Goth, giima. There are other examples of « 
in Anglo-Saxon— ///^(9/ (O.H.G. /<7^«/(G. vogel), Goih. fi/gls), 
rust {O.H.G. rost). 



Sound Relations in Indo-Enropeaji. 2)Z 

u: Sk. viusha^ Gk. ,ccl/s, L. viTis, A.S. mus, O.H.G. inns 
(G. mans). Just as u, at first pronounced u (ov), retained that 
sound dialectically, so D at first pronounced u (ou) retained 
that sound dialectically — Boeot. E-J^ou/xof = Attic E'jdu/j,og. 

The ou in clOap (L. /ll)er) is said to be due to a desire to 
avoid the double aspiration that the regular *vdap would 
present. 

There is a change (dissimilation) of I; to T in Greek 
before a following v — iphv ' twig,' cp. (pvu. 

For an example of u in Gothic take fil/s 'rotten', A.S. 
and O.H.G.//?/, (Gk. tj^w, \.. puteo). 

The y in Anglo-Saxon is caused by /-umlaut — mys 
' mice ' (Teut. musiz, viusez). 

ai : Sk. edhas ' fire-wood,' Gk. a7&u ' burn,' L. aedes 
'hearth,' A.S. «^'pyre,' O.H.G. ei^ 'pyre.' 

a + 2 give in Sanskrit, by ordinary guna, c'. Since e and o 
are written a, these followed by / will also give e. 

Original ai in Latin was sometimes written e — haedus and 
Jiedus (Goth, gaits 'goat'), saecidum and seculum. ae was 
also misspelt oe, as in coehim, poenitet^ coena, moered, &c. 

In originally unaccented syllables ai became / — inquirb 
{qaaero), parriddiuiii i^parriis ' open ' {parrcre), cp. parra 
(avis) ' bird of omen,' and caedo). Notice also its repre- 
sentation by a and e in the following words — aeneus 
{*aes?ietis (^ies-)), prehendo {prae, hetido). 

ai became a in Anglo-Saxon — the second element, says 
Sweet, became e and was then absorbed — and this by 
/-umlaut passed into d — drel ' portion,' belonging to the 
/-declension, (Goth, ddils O.H.G. teil {G. theil). 

In Old High German ai became i: before r, and finally — 

c 



34 Manual of Linguistics. 

mero ' greater ' (Goth, niaizd), we ' woe ' (Goth. 7vdi), else- 
where ei — sfei'n (Goth, stdifis ' stone '). 

ai : This is called the vrddhi diphthong in Sanskrit, ei 
and ol have the same representation. 

The diphthong appears as a case-ending of the dat. sing, 
of a stems — Sk. sn{v)apatyai, nom. sii{z')apatyd ' having a 
beautiful posterity,' Gk. %w/>a, O.L. Matutd ^ Matutae^ 
Goth, gibdi ' to a gift.' 

di is said to appear as d in Old High German stdn 
' stand.' 

ei : Sk. trdyas i^treks), Gk. rps?;, (*Tps(i)sg), L. ^res 
{^tre{es), Goth, \reis (*']>ri[{i)z, '^]^reiez), A.S. SrJ, O.H.G. dri^ 

Short d? appearing as a in Sanskrit, ei will have the same 
representation as ai, i.e., t' — bheddvii 'I cleave' (Goth. 
beitan ' bite '). This e was resolved into (7y before vowels. 

In Latin ei remains in hei., and on oldest monuments — 
deicd,feidd, but soon became an open 7 — dicd,fidd. 

It also appears as e — levis ' smooth ' (Gk. Xsl{P')og.), 

Before a vowel it appears as e — ed ' I go ' = ejj (Gk. u,(ji,i). 

* 

ei : For example in Sanskrit, take dis ' thou wast going,'^ 
impf. stem ei (ei- ' go '). The diphthong was an infrequent 
one in Indo-European. It is seen in Gk. ^XusTog, Norse 
fle{i)str ' most' and J^eiri ' more,' I.E. J>/e-is- iox pie-is-. 

Wharton's explanation of pids takes us back to this diph- 
thong : — plus =plds =pieus from ple-us, pie-jus. 

oi : Sk. te ' they,' Gk. toI, \^.{is)tl, Goth. \di, A.S. 5a, 
O.H.G. de. 

This diphthong will naturally in Sanskrit have the same, 
representation as ai, i.e., e. 



Sound Relations in Indo- European. 35 

For oe in Latin, take as example — -foedus ' treaty ' (Gk. 
<T£To/^a), for u (through /?) — u/ms (O.L. oinos), for J — -fidus 
(Ennius) (or foedus. 

Wharton says that pretonic oi, unless saved by analogy, 
appears as ae — caecus ' blind ' (Gk. y.oi7.iWo} 'gape about ' 
Goth. Jidihs 'one-eyed'). 

oi has in Teutonic the same representation as ai, and 
undergoes the same changes. For fe in Anglo-Saxon, the 
z'-umlaut of a (orig. oi), take as example clceg ' clay ' 
(Gk. yXo/a L. gluten), and for ei in Old High German, take 
meidem 'stallion' (rather M.H.G.) — ('ein schon lange ver- 
altetes Wort,' says Weigand) (L. muto 'penis'). 

oi : Seen in the instrumental plu. of ^-stems — Sk. dsvais. 
Gk. /Wo;j = /T'Tcu/c. In Latin, this diphthong occurs in 
oloes ' illis,' from original -dij. Final -oi^ passed into -0. 

au : Gk. -raD/^oc, X^.paulus paucus, QiO'Ca. fawdi, plu. {*fdus, 
sing.), A.'&.fea, O.^.G.fdheni, dat. plu. 

a + u give in Sanskrit, by ordinary guna, 0. Since e and o 
are written a, these followed by u, will also give 3. For 
example of d, take c^'as ' power ' (L. augeo.) 

In Latin, au in originally unaccented syllables appears as 
/? — inclUdd (claudo), also as oe or e — oboedio and obedio 
{audio), au in accented syllables is also spelt u— frustum 
(Gk. dpu'oM ' break'), and d^pldstrum 2cc\A plaustrum, Clodius 
and Claudius. 

au in Anglo-Saxon appears as ea, of which the /-umlaut 
is le, I — hiew'S and hiw^, 3rd sing. pres. ind. of heawan 
' hew.' ea is sometimes written in oldest texts (eo, eo, ceo. 
Of the Anglo-Saxon transformations of this diphthong 
Sweet gives the following explanation : — " The a of au 



3 6 Manual of L inguistics. 

became ce, in accordance with the general tendency of the 
language, the second element being opened, and finally un- 
rounded. It is probable that the first element remained 
ce throughout the Old English period." The first vowel of 
this diphthong has accordingly the value of long («, viz., long 
low-front-wide. For the quantity of the first vowel in ea, 
see below under eu. 

mi in Old High German passed through ao into <?, before 
d, t, f, s, n, r, /, and h ; before other consonants, and as 
final, it passed in the ninth century into ou — oiiga ' eye ' 
(Goth, di/go). 

au : Sk. fidus, Gk. voiZg (orig. vatjg), L. ndvis. 

an is called the vrddhi diphthong in Sanskrit, eu and ou 
have the same representation. 

dv appears in Latin before a vowel. Before a consonant 

ail is found — gauded {gdvided). 

du appears as au in Gothic — sauil r^O-vA. 'sun' (Gk. ^/X/oc 
for Gafiktoci^. 115), L. sol, Norse sol fem., and a sometimes 
quoted A.S. sol. By the bye claudd for clduidd originally 
had du, cp. cldvis and -/.krifig. 

eu : Gk. yivoixai 'taste,' 1.. gftsio, Goth, kiusan 'choose,' 
A.S. ccosan, O.H.G. kiusu 'I choose' (G. kiesen). 

There is no short e in Sanskrit. It is represented by a, 
consequently eu will have the same representation 2s au, i.e., 
d — bodhdmi ' I perceive,' Gk. 'ni'^^ofj^ai. 

eu appears in Latin only in interjections — lieu, otherwise 
as u. Note also the representation l (through u) — liber 
(Gk. sXivhpog). 

e being replaced by / in Gothic, eu will naturally appear as 
I'u. With regard to A.S. eo (eo and ra, ea) it will be well to 
quote Sweet : — " That the difference between ea eo, and ea 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. ^^y 

CO was one of quantity, is proved beyond doubt by the 
accents, the metre, and the whole history of the language. 
It is certain that the stress was not originally on the second 
element, for an and en were certainly accented du, at. 
The length must have been either on the first element, or 
else distributed over both. The former seems most pro- 
bable. The lengthening probably began by an exaggera- 
tion of the glide between the two elements." 

In Old High German, eu became eo, later io, when fol- 
lowed by a syllable containing a or o — biogan ' bend ' (G. 
biegen), otherwise as iu. 

eu : Sk. dyaus, Gk. Zrjc (orig. T^riijo). 

The two letters forming this diphthong probably did not 
often occur in the same syllable in the primitive Indo- 
European language. 

ou : Sk. bubodha ' he has waked,' Goth. bdu\, A.S. bead 
'bade,'O.H.G. bdt. 

In Sanskrit, there is no short o. o is represented by a, con- 
sequently ou, like 67/, will have the same representation as 
au, i.e., 0. ou remains in Greek — crouS^ (pstoud-). Com- 
pare GiTi'jl'ji (psteud-), and L. studeo (pstud-). Note -/.oi^FYzOj 
' I perceive ' (A.S. sccawiari). 

ou got mixed in Latin with eu, but can still be distinguished 
in Oscan, e.g., castrovs, gen. sing, from stem castru- 'fundus.' 

ou appears in Latin as u—fudit (Goth, gdut 'poured,' 
A.S. geat) \ lucus (A.S. leak — E. lea), as o — rdb'igo and rubigo 
(roudh-, cp. rufus ' red '). Both u and o are shortened in 
cloaca and cludca. 

ou originally pretonic appears as au — auris — ousts (Gk. 
olg = bZa-ag, Goth, duso, A.S. earc). Note also in un- 
accented syllable -u- from -ou denuo {de novo). 



3 8 Manual of L inguistics. 

In Gothic, as in Teutonic generally, o becoming a, ou 
appears as dii. It appears in Anglo-Saxon as ea. See above 
under ea. y is one of the varieties {le, l) of the /-umlaut of 
ca — hlystan ^listen'' (klou) ; cp. Sk. srii, Gk. tcajw, L. clued 
(klu) ; Gk. z\i{F)og (kleu). 

For an example of on in Old High German take — 
scouwoji (G. schaueri) (A.S. sceawiaji, Gk. ■/.oi^F)ioj, 
(duo)(!-/.6(F)oi 'priest,' L. caved, Sk. kavis 'wise'). 

6u : The two letters forming this diphthong probably did 
not very often occur in the same syllable in Indo-European. 
The Sk. ashtdil (I.E. oktdij) shows that the final diphthong 
in the word was long, cp. L. octdvus (^octdvos). For ex- 
ample of du in Greek, take /3&Sg (orig. /Sows, Sk. gates). 



N 



CHAPTER III. 

Sound Rel.\tions in Indo-European — Semivowels, 
Spir.\nts, Conson.vnt-Vowels, Liquids, Nasals. 

The sound-correspondences to be treated of in this chapter 
are those that derive from the sounds of the parent speech 
represented by the symbols /,y, //, v, s, z, r, /, ;;/, n, r, /, m, n .- — 



I.E. Sk. 


Gk. 


L. 1 Goth. 


A.S. 


O.H.G. 


i 1 


' 


J. i J 


'. g 


', j 


J y 

1 


f 


J 


j 


'. g 


j 


u jv 


F,' 


V, u 


w 


w 


w 


V 


See unde 


ru 








s s, sh 


^(J), ', ' 


s, r 


s, z 


s, r 


s, r 


z 


See ex 


amples 








r :,... 


P 


r 


r 


r 


r 


1 !„, 


\ 


1 


1 


I 


1 


m m 

1 


fJ- 


m m 


m 


m 


n 


n 


V 


n 


" 


n 


n 


r 


ur, ir, r 


ap, pa 


or 


aiir, ru 


ur 


ur 


r 


ur, Ir 


op, pu 


ar, ra 


Tent 


ar 




1 


ul, (il), ur 


aX, \a 


ol 


ul 


ul 


ul 


i 


ur, ir 


o\, Xoj 


ar,(al),la 


Teut. 


al 




m 


am, a 


av, a 


em 


um 


um 


um 


m 


a 


d 










n 


an, a 


av, a 


en 


un 


un 


un 


n 


a 


vd, a, VT] 


an, na 









40 Mann a I of L ingu istics. 

i : Sk. ynyd/ii, Gk. -J/xs/c, Goth. Jus, A.S. luih, (North, 
accus.), O.H.G. iiiwih (ace. plu.). 

It is difficult sometimes, owing to the fact that the sounds 
have run together in most languages, to distinguish mani- 
festations of the semivowel /, from manifestations of the 
spirant y, unless Greek aid us, where initially, the latter 
appears as ^, the former as '. If Greek lack a cognate, 
then we have to search among available cognates, for sound- 
relations, that will help to settle the question. For example, 
a comparison of Sk. yaiiti, 3rd plu., and Wid, 2nd plu. of 
ei- ' go,' proves that the y is by origin /. The coincident 
occurrence of / stamps y the semivowel. Again, the ablaut- 
relation between Sk. trdyas (treies-, strong grade), nom. 
plu., and trishu (trisu-, weak grade), loc. plu., reveals the 
semivocalic character of the_y of the first form. 

£ appears initially (example above), between vowels, after 
consonants, before consonants (when preceded by «-, e-, and 
<?- vowels), and finally (as second element of diphthongs). 
Take as examples — Sk. trdyas &c. — see above under ei ; Sk. 
dydt'is ' sky,' Gk. Zsi; {livo', ^iji^i) ; Sk. veda, Gk. Foi'Bs. Goth. 
7m2f, A.S. 7e'df, O.H.E. 7e>ei''f, (uoide) ; Sk. te, Hom. toi &cc. 
— see above under oi. 

ai, ei, oi, ai, ei, 6i, originally pure diphthongs, gradually 
suffered change, generally in the direction of coalescence. 
The long varieties shortened the first element when before 
consonants. 

y in Sanskrit was probably everywhere semivocalic. 

In Greek initial ' was reached through an intermediate 
voiceless /. Between vowels, / dropped out, unless the pre- 
vious vowel was ?/ — dsoc {pFu'dg), np^du (rz/xa/w), (piXsoj. 
((piXs/co), hriXocu (driXo/cAj), but Lesb. fu/w (bhuio). 



Sound Relaiions in Indo-EiLvopean. 4 1 

/ following postvocalic s and // i)alatalised them out of 
existence, and then formed a diphthong with the preceding 
vowel — roff/o into '.-o/(To = Hom. 7(i7o (Sk. tdsya) ; zir^v from 
Uh\v^ from ff/jii' (Sk. syam, weak grade — Greek has strong 
grade from the analogy of forms with strong sV-; L. siem, sics, 
siet (siem), weak grade like Sanskrit — the 7, proper to the 
plural optative, ultimately ousted the ic, proper to the 
singular) ; -/JKafhi into ■AXaiF(Ji, into xXa/w. The ojF of the 
last word became « in Attic before e-, /-, and a- sounds, 
giving yCka'm, KXaug, TiXan, -/.Xa/'o/j^sv, &c.; the a then pushed 
its way into all persons, producing the double forms xXa/w 
and yJj'M. 

After ;/ and r, a following / disappears, after causing com- 
pensation in the previous syllable — -/.niiu, Lesb. xrhvui 
{zTVjm) ; (pkifu, Lesb. <p6sppoi {<p6ipm). Notice also /3a/nw 
((Sav/oj), L.vefiid (guni6(-m-) ). 

/ following A is assimilated — a/./.&g («?./&$). 

The combination // gives in Greek -r — r-j-roj (-■j-ziu) ; 
•TTTvu (((y)cT/0), Lith. spidu-ju^ L. spud. 

ki, ghi, kui, ghyj give for result a sort of geminated 
spirantal sound which medially is sometimes approximately 
represented by -^r-, sometimes by -ffff-, but initially, always 
by C-. It used to be said that the / dentalised the guttural 
into r, and that this letter then assimilated /. rr appears in 
Boeotian, Thessalian, and Attic, co in the other dialects ; 
the latter representation is said to be the older. 

Examples are ^ffo'wi' ^'tt-wv (^ri-/.laj'j), compare nxiara, L. secius 
'otherwise,' perhaps equalling ricsov {i]Km) (the form sequins, 
said however to lack authority, would seem to point to a velar, 
sctius = seethes is called a comparative formation (compare 
diutius), with the c dropped, as Quintius for Qiei/ietius); 



42 ManiLal of Lmgiiistics. 

aaaov (angh.-), compare «7/C' '> "^'^o^'-^, ~irra. (peky-), com- 
pare L. coqiw ; iXaGGMv iXdrrm (Ighu-), compare sXayrjg. 

For this sound occurring initially, take as example Hom. 
ffsSs = gVffsus (Sk. cyu (chyii) ' move '). 

ghi when initial, results in -/^d — -^dh (ghies-), Sk. /ijds, L. 
/lerl, Goth, gistra-dagis, A.S. geostra {eo = o-vvaAz-WX. of e). 
O.H.G. gestaron (G. gestern). 

ti dhi became as ; this after consonants was reduced to 
<r, and in other surroundings, though cg remained in Homer, 
simplification also gave the same result ; dialectically, how- 
ever, the OG appears as 7t — aGGa, arra for r/a (the v-forms 
are due to the adoption of the ace. tim as a new stem in 
place of r/-) neuter plu. of t/'j. In the last word, the initial 
a is due to the frequent conjunction of this form with other 
plurals in a, from which by wa^ong division it abstracted the 
a, e.g., OTO/'a/rra was divided h-'u' arra^ compare JXS/toii/Exa 
(a crasis of Ixslvov svixa), which through raaldivision gave 
rise to the ghost-word o'vvi-/.a, also Sayce's explanation of 
ala, as due to a reading of --arpihalyaTav, as 'Trarpida y' 
aiav. Consult index, under nezt>f and nick7iame, for similar 
results in English. Resuming examples of ti, dhi, we have 
Taffa for 'Tsavria ; fiiOGoc, Attic /xsiroj (Sk. mddliyas). 

si also gives gg and rr — /caff^Ja,, -/.arr-jM for y.riTGi\jiM, L. 
sua for sud.) Goth, siujan, A.S. seowan, O.H.G. siinvan (G. 
sduk, ' Ort des Schuhmachers ') (Sk. syu-). 

Note the different results in Greek of fx^sGoog, /jlsgo: (suffix 
-io-), and of 'zdrpiog (suffix -iio-). 

di, gi, guj give as result a sound that is represented by 
the letter ^ (Lesb. go) — ts^&'c ' on foot,' compare Tsdn 
'fetter'; d^ofj^ai 'reverence,' compare dyiog (iag-) ; w'^o* 
' wash,' compare vI-tttoj with labialised velar (neigy-). 

Note the different results in Greek of p'sZ^M ' work ' (reg. 



Sound Relations in Indo-Eztropean. 43 

(>al^oj for FpoLym), Goth, waurkjan, O.H.G. wurchen (G. 
wirke7t) (urg-), with suffix -id, compare Gk. 'ipyav (eV3w = 
ijcrgid), A.S. 7viercan (uerg-), and of ihiui (suid-), L. sudor, 
A.S. swat, O.H.G. S7vei'^ (G. schweiss) (suoid-), with suffix -iid. 

/ appears in Latin initially as j—jecur (cp. Gk r^raf) ; 
after a consonant it preserved consonantal force, only if 
said consonant had disappeared— ^c^m (Sk. dyaus), did 
(aghio). If the consonant remained, the / had vocalic force 
— medius (Sk. >iidd/iyas), veiiio for venio, socius (sokyios), 
compare seqiwr (seky-). 

Between vowels /drops — aer- (aes, aeris) (Sk. dyas 'iron'), 
sto {stdw), moneo {monew), audio iaudiio). An / has also 
dropped in spud (spiu-), sud (Goth, siujati), hen (ghies-). 

Allusion has been made to ai, ei, oi, ai, ei, 6i, under 
these respective heads. The first element of the long 
varieties is shortened when a consonant follows. 

In Teutonic, / and J have the same representation. 
For an example of / appearing medially in Gothic as 7, take 
midjis (Sk. mddhyas), siujan (Gk. xafTc-Jw ' stitch,' L. sud^vOi-). 

After a short vowel there is a noticeable representation 
of / in Gothic, viz. -ddj-(Norse -ggj-,-gg-) — iddja ' I went ' 
(Sk. dydiii), A.S. code {ija + de, pret. suff.) ; twaddje, gen., 
Norse hveggja, A.S. tivcg{e)a, O.H.G. ztvtijo. In West 
Germanic, an / was generated, which formed a diphthong 
with the preceding vowel, or gave 7, if the preceding vowel 
was /. 

A w occurs in place of an / in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
German — A.S. sdwan, O.H.G. sdwan (sdan saha/i), saian (i 
for/), (Goth, saian, seio) ; A.S. bldzvan, O.H.G. bluojan, 
bluoivan (Teut. bldijinan — L, flds). It is supposed that 
after / had in part dropped out before guttural vowels, 7v was 



44 ManzLal of Linguistics. 

foisted in as glide. On the establishment of the types, inter- 
change would ensue, and one or other type be generalised. 
This is Brugmann's explanation. 

/, for which there was no special sign in the manu- 
scripts of Anglo-Saxon and Old High German, was repre- 
sented initially, especially before u, by / — A.S iung {geong), 
O.H.G. iung. It is not known whether originally i ox J 
appeared in this word. Medially / is also found, but per- 
haps stands for ij. 

In A.S. dr ' brass,' O.H.G. er (Goth, aiz, Sk. dyas, L. 
aes (d,ies-), we have an example of the dropping of /. It is 
also dropped before /. 

In Anglo-Saxon, palatal ^ is a representative of / — gif 
'if (Goth, jabai); g is also a representation in the same 
language — dcgan ' call,' a -ja- verb (/>, umlaut of m) (guou-), 
Gk. poDj. 

In Old High German, g with sound of English y in yet^ 
also occurs as representative — ge/ier {Jena-). 

Original / can sometimes be traced by gemination — A.S. 
syllan 'give,' O.H.G. scllen (Goth, saljan) \ A.S. ecg 
' edge ' (L. acics). 

In Anglo-Saxon, the fact of umlaut argues the original 
presence of / — deman ' deem ' (Goth, domjaii). 

With reference to Gothic siiijau (L. stio, Gk. xawJw), it 
is conjectured, that in forms, where the / of a formative 
suffix followed hard on a previous /, the first was lost by dis- 
similation, even in the Indo-European period, but being 
preserved in another setting, might reassert itself even in 
conditions where it had originally gone under. 

/ before a consonant, and after long vowels, was dropped 
in the primitive language — compare Sk. ray as plu., with 
Sk. ras sing., 1,. 7rs. 



Sound Relations in I ndo- Europe an. 45 

j : Sk. Jtigdjii, Gk. Zvyov, L. jugi/in, Goth. Juk, A.S. geoc 
{iiccia7i 'to yoke'), O.Y{..Q. joh {G.Joch). 

Gk. Z, argues the spirant. The existence of the spirant 
can best be demonstrated when it occurs initially. It is 
said, however, that KsTrai may be attached to a root kej-. 
Gk. Z^jydv, it should be mentioned, had originally for initial 
sound not J, but di (cp. dialectic form b-oyov), which fell 
together with J in primitive Greek. 

It might be well to give another example of original/ — 
Sh. ydsdmi 'bubble,' Gk. ^ew, A.S. gist 'yeast,' O.H.G. 
jesan ' ferment ' (G. gdrefi) (ies-). 

Another proof of spirantal i or J is worth mentioning: — 
When y is spirantal in a Sanskrit verb, it still remains in re- 
duplication, whereas, when the y is semivocalic in origin, a 
weak-grade form of the verb is found, beginning with /, 
•e.g., /appears in iydja, perf. oi yaj 'sacrifice' (Gk. a/zoc, 
clt^oiMai), instead of ya-. This change of y is by Sanskrit 
grammarians called sainprdsarana (cp. below under u and v). 

In Latin and Teutonic, as in Sanskrit, / and j fell 
together. 

u : Sk. svdhiras, Gk. invpCi, \j. socer {suecer\ Goth. 
swdihra, A.S. S7Vcor {sweokor), O.H.G. sweluir (G. schivdher) 
(su^kuro-). 

v: Sk. vase 'clothe,' i sing. pres. atm., Gk. i'v^j,a/, L. 
vesiio, Goth, wasjan 'clothe,' A.S. ivcrian 'wear,' O.H.G. 
wcrian. 

It is usually impossible to tell to which of the two sounds, 
semivowel or spirant, a sound under consideration has to be 
referred. If, as in the case of /, u alternates with the vowel 
u, we may be sure, that in the given case, its origin is semi- 
vocalic. For example in Sk. cinvdnti (kuinunti), 3 plu. 



4^ Manual of L inguistics. 

pres., and Sk. ciiiuthd (kyinut^), 2 plu. pres. (kyei- ' set in 
rows '), V alternates with u, a fact which argues an original 11. 
Moreover, and it will be remembered that this also held 
good in the case of /, if there subsist certain ablaut relations 
between certain sound-groups, and one of the correlates be 
of a vocalic nature, we are entitled to infer the presence of 
the semivowel. For example, A.S. szvefn ' dream' (suepnos, 
strong grade), L. somnus (suopnos, strong grade), Gk. 
'■oiTvoc, (supnos, weak grade, Greek has generaHsed the weak 
grade of certain cases) exhibit a correspondence that, in the 
circumstances, proves the presence of the semivowel. 

In Sanskrit verbs reduplicating with %)a-, e.g., vrdh 
' grow,' pf atm. vavrdhe we pronounce for the spirant ; in 
those reduplicating with 11-, e.g., vac ' speak,' pf iivdcha we 
pronounce for the semivowel. Compare what was said 
above under/. 

Initial -u was lost in Sanskrit before u and u — Sk. {ilvam 
' caul ' (L. vtdva) (ulu-) ; Sk. ?irmr, L. /dna (uln-), L. ve//ns 
(uln-). 

In Greek, I.E. // appeared as F, which was, as a 
rule, vocalic and not spirantal in character, sometimes also 
as LI and 13 — ^ol. a'oojg (af wc), Attic r,uig ' dawn ; ' JEo], 
^p'/iTup ' orator.' The F remained up to historic times, and 
first disappeared in Ionic-Attic. The disappearance took 
place both medially (see below), and initially — 'irog (L. vetus). 
Sometimes, initially, ;/ is represented by ' — IXxog (L. ulcus 
{vulcus, vekus))* 

* Mr. Darbishire refers this to a root beginning with s or sti, holding 
as he does that F regularly became ' in Greek. Certain obstinate rough 
breathings he refers to original v and not 11, supporting his contention by- 
facts drawn from Armenian, where, as he seems to make out, the semi- 
vowel and the spirant are still distinguishable. 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 47 

In Latin also, // drops initially before u followed by a 
consonant, unless that consonant be / (except /+r) — unda 
(uond-), (loth, -ivato, A.S. wceter (^0^-) -, also before sonant 
/ and r — lajia (cp. vellus), radix (Goth, waurts) (ufd- and 
urd-) ) ; but verrcs ' boar,' (ik. a^ff'/ji/ (uers-, urs-). 

For examples in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, of ?/ 
between vowels, take Sk. jlvds, Gk. /3/oj, L. vivus, Goth. 
kzvius, A.S. cw!C, cwicu {c developed before ti{iv\ E. quick, 
7vhit{low) (p. 96)), O.H.G. qiiec (G. keck) (guiuos) ; Sk. 
avis, Gk. o{F)ig, L. ovis, Goth. awe]>i ' flock,' A.S. eowu 
* ewe,' O.H.G. aid nom. plu. (G. aue 'nur noch mund- 
artlich ' Weigand), LE. oui- ; Sk. ndva, Gk. fi-vsa [h 
viFa ' nine in all '), L. nove/n, Goth, uinn, A.S. 
f^ii^otj, O.H.G. niioi (for fiiiju?i, A.S. g is a glide, LE. 
n^un) ; Gk. E&c, 0? (ffiFo:) poss. adj., L. sia^s, O.L. soivs 
(seuos) — cp. /la/s, O.L. fovos, Gk. ri(F)o:, and dcmw for ^^ 
;/^e'J : Gk. I, Goth. i"/(/^), E. bti{sk) (sue), L. i-(^ (sue) ; Gk. 
oJ{F)oi ' alone ' (oiuos, strong grade of demonst., rt. i) — cp. 
Gk. oivog ' one,' oiv/j ' ace on dice,' L. f///us (oi?ios); Gk. ai[F)uji, 
L. aevu/ii, Goth, diivs, A.S. (77i:w dat., O.H.G. hva ' long 
time' (Kluge says that A.S. cav 'law,' O.H.G. cwa 'mar- 
riage ' G. ehe) are from aequus, but aeqiius {aeviqitos) is 
perhaps connected with aevum) ; Sk. devds, Gk. 3/bc, L, 
^7w^,y {deivos), Norse Z)"r, A.S. Tlw 'god of war' (E. 
Tuesday), O.H.G. Zio. Note the disappearance of // 
in Sk. dyaui, Gk. Zr^v, L. diem ( diem, cp. nom. dieus 
' sky '). 

After a consonant the following may serve as examples : 

— of tu : Sk. catvdras, Goth, fidwor (Jnvidwdr, for / see 

Chapter IV. p. 104), Gk. Tirrapic, {y.FirFafiz), L. quatuor, A.S. 

feotver, O.H.G. fior {kuekuor- kuekur, the second guttural 



48 Manual of L inguistics. 

due to assimilation) (kyetuor-, kuetur-, kuetuor-) ; of du : 

Sk. dvis, Gk. h'lg, L. bis (cp. belluin = duellum) ; L. bonus 
(duonos), compare Sk duvas ' a mark of respect ' ; of dhu : 
Sk. urdhvds, Gk. hp&di;, L. ardiius (fdhuds). 

Note L. quartus (kutuftds), Gk. {iT)rpd'K%(a (kutur-). The 
lost consonant in T^ars^a would, being a velar, have appeared 
as T, before r. Compare for loss of initial letter, Sk. {k)tur- 
yas ' fourth.' 

For examples of pu, bhu, take ^'n~toz, for vrtirFioc, (cp. 
vriTUTioc) ; ■j'TrsptplaXog, for 'o-ipf^FiaXog (p'jw) ; diibius for 
dubhuiws ; -bo, -bam, for -bhud -bhudm. 

It is not a velar guttural that appears in equus (post- class, 
form owing to the analogy of equi — class, form ecus or equos), 
but a palatal guttural followed by ti. The root is I.E. 
dkiios. The cognates are Sk. dsvas, Gk. iWog 'hxog (?), Goth. 
aihwa-, A.S. eoh. The ' in J'ttoj represents the that so 
frequently was prefixed in the sentence-life of the word 
— cp. Fr. llerre 'ivy' for Vhierre. The / of ;':7to5 (I.E. e) 
is a stumbling-block. 

su is thus represented — Sk. svddus, Gk. rjUg, L. sudvis, 
A.S. szvefe, O.H.G. suofi, (suadu-) ; Gk. {F)sl (sueks), L. 
sex, Goth. saUis, A.S. seox, O.H.G. se/is (seks) ; Sk. svdsar-, 
L. soror (suesor), Goth, swistar, A.S. siveostor (eo due to 
;/!-umlaut), O.H.G. sivester {%\3JSi'sXx-) ; Sk. svid 'sweat,' Gk. 
Ihog, 'idpug (suid-), L. sudor, A.S. swdt (suoid-). 

Gk. vf , pF, >-F were differently treated, in some dialects 
becoming w, pp, XX — in others, remaining as f, p, and X, with 
compensation-lengthening in previous syllable. In Attic 
the F simply dropped. 

Examples are Lesb. /Ji-va, Ion. youva, Att. yovara (yovFa) ; 



So2ind Relations in Indo-European. 49 

Ion. xovprj, Dor. /idjpd, Attic -/.Cpyj (zr/pFd) ; Horn. obXo:, Att. 
oXoj (^oXFog), Sk. sdrvas, L. sol/i/s. 

Enough has been said about //as second element of diph- 
thong under au, eu, ou, &c. Before consonants, the first 
element of au, eu, 6u, was shortened in Greek. These diph- 
thongs then fell together with the corresponding shorts. 

Intervocalic // drops in Latin before u — the borrowed 
oleum and ol'iviuii (^i'Kat{f)(iv — the o is du:3 to an assumed 
connexion with oko), also after // — puer and pover. 
uu however remains after i—juvo. ij following a short 
vowel, and followed by / or e, throws off the vowel and be- 
comes vocalised, aij becoming au, and ou becoming u {ou), or 
sometimes — auspex for avispex, up'ilio and opllio (for 
ovipilio), nundinae and nondinae for novendinae. If // fol- 
lows a long vowel or diphthong, it drops altogether — praeco 
' herald ' from prae, voco. 

After a consonant, // in Latin sometimes remains — arvuvi ; 
sometimes interchanges with b—ferveo and ferbed, helvus, 
gilvus, and gilbus ; sometimes is vocalised — tenuis (Sk. ianvl 
' stretched ') ; after / it is assimilated — sollus (Sk. sdrvas) ; it 
drops after/" (from d/nj), and in an unaccented syllable after 
d—fallo (dhul-, Gk. doXipog 'troubled,' Goth, divals 'dull,. 
A.S. dol, O.H.G. toll (G. toll) (dhuol-) Wharton), dis- 
' asunder ' (Goth tzvis (standan) ' to depart from one '). 

Finally it is vocalised after loss of e — seu {slve). 

In Teutonic, ii was still a vowel-consonant. This sound 
remained in Gothic, but in other dialects progressed towards 
a spirant. In this family, 2c is very constant, appearing in 
all positions. In Old High German, it was apt to disappear 
after consonants other than r, /, s. 

Examples of u in the Teutonic languages have appeared 

D 



50 Manual of Linguistics. 

above. It will therefore only be necessary to mention one 
or two more of particular interest or significance. 

Medially between u and u, u is lost in Goth, juggs {juv- 
laigas) , A.S. geo/ig and I'ung, O.H.G. j!/fig (L. juvena/s, 
iuunko). 

Before a consonant in Gothic, as we saw above, w was 
written it — kwius from kwiu{a)z (L. vlviis — (guiuos). 

Parallel to the representation of -/- by -ddj-, we have u after 
short vowels represented by -ggw- (Norse -ggv-, -gg-) — triggiva 
'covenant' (Norse tryggr). In West Germanic a u was 
generated which formed a diphthong with the preceding 
vowel, or gave // if the preceding vowel was u — Goth, triggivs 
' true,' A.S. trleive {le = co by /-umlaut), O.H.G. triuwi. 

In Teutonic, nu becomes nn, n — Goth, kinniis, A.S. cin{n), 
O.H.G. chinni (Gk. y\v\jg 'jaw,' L. gemimus 'grinder'); 
A.S. '^ynne, O.H.G. ^//;//// (Sk. ta7ius, L. tenuis— \mA-). 

In A.S. cuman, -jju- ( = 7£'/=Teut. 7i'e) appears as 71 — 
cp. O.H.G. koman {queman) (Gk. /Sa/vw, L. venio — gumid). 

From A.S. iiigofi (Goth, niutt, see above), it appears that 
g sometimes represents orig. w ; and A.S. eoh (L. equus, 
see above) shews that 21, after becoming final, may be lost. 

iia from tio, is, in A.S. geolo ' yellow,' O.H.G. geh (gen. 
gehves, G. gel^^), L. /lelvus, gilvi/s (ghweluos) represented by 0. 
Compare O.H.G. ero ' earth ' (L. arvum). 

s : Sk. svdsa, L. soror (suesor), Goth, swistar, A.S, 
sweostor, O.H.G. sivester (G. schwester) (suestr-). 

There is no cognate in Greek unless Schrader's sugges- 
tion anent "lofig be adopted, viz., Ufig^efico^ii 'sisters' 
children,' orig. ' sisters.' In the Teutonic cognates, a / is 
developed between s and r (see below). 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 5 i 

s generally remains in Sanskrit, but passes into the cere- 
bral sibilant sli, when immediately preceded by any vowel 
save a, or when preceded by k or r, except the j- be final or 
followed by r — vishdin (uisom, cp. L. virus (uisos) ) ; snusha 
' daughter-in-law ' (T.. minis) ; parshnis ' heel,' Ok. rrr'sfva 
(cp. 'roXig and rrroXic), \,. pcnia 'ham' {pcrnix 'swift'), 
Goth, fa'irzna (jr, and not z, to have been expected, the 
accent being on first ?rj\\dh\€),k.'$,.fierse}i,fyrsn {ie,y = umlaut 
of m the breaking of e\ O.H.G fersana (G. ferse) (persna, 
-ni). Note also i-^rVz 'six' {\,. sex). 

Before s (palatal sibilant) at the beginning of the next 
syllable, s becomes s — svdsuras ' father-in-law ' (Gk. sxt;^ &; 
{^^f^-'^.-) ). 

sk appears as ch {cch) — gdchdmi {gdcchdmi) ' I go ' (Gk. 
8d(fKu (ISdaK /'('/) ) (gumsko). 

For the general history of the s sounds in the Classical 
and Teutonic languages, it will be convenient to make the 
surrounding of the sound the principle of classification. 

Starting from examples with a vocalic neighbourhood, let 
there then be set down examples of s in the neighbourhood 
of continuous consonants, followed by examples that exhibit 
s in the company of stops. 

s before vowels passes into ' in Greek, but remains in Latin 
and Teutonic — Gk. sro/j,ai, L. sei/uor, Goth. saiJnvan, A.S. 
scon (for seohan), O.H.G. sehan (seku-) ; G.k. i)/>a^ 'shrew- 
mouse,' L. sdrex (Fr. souris) ; Gk. jj^a/-, L. scini-, Sk. sd/ni-, 
A.S. sdf?i- (E. sand-blind). 

Sometimes ' appears, if in the next syllable or the one 
after, an aspirate, either original or develoj^ed from s, is 
tnet with — Gk. a/ou ' dry ' from a-lhu, older ab/iu (cp. fut. 
aZsw), and in other cases — i7pu{ = if>ic>j) 'join,' L. serd. In 



5 2 Manual of L ingui sties. 

r,lMi7g (Sk. asnia-), the ' is probably due to the analogy of 
liij^iTg (Sk. yiish?na-), and ii'zL[i,riV (for l-{c)i'::'oiJ.y\\) takes after 

Between vowels, s disappears in Greek, and generally 
passes into r in Latin — Gk. yhi(}C, L. generis, (Sk. Ja/iasas- — 
gen-), cp. Goth, /v////, A.S. cy}i{n) (ji' = umlaut of Teut. u),. 
O.H.G. ciijini (gn-), and L. nascor (gn-) ; Gk. ^a (Attic 
^), Sk. asaiu (esm). L. eram is supposed to represent an un- 
augmented ^sm. m should have given em in Latin, and the 
am will be owing to the analogy of the usual imperfect 
ending -bam. There is no trace of augment in Latin. 
The general absence of augment is perhaps due to the 
generalisation of unaugmented types. 

The following are additional examples of intervocalic s — 
Gk. (p'lfiai (Sk. bhdrase); Gk. >5^£a 'I knew' (Sk. dvedi- 
sham, 2iOx.); Gk. \-o(o)(jc, 'daughter-in-law,' L. mirus, (Sk. 
smishd, A.S. snorii, O.H.G. siiora, snura (G. schmir) 
(snus-) ) ; //.s/^w for ij.ii''Qia = imZ^ooa, cp. L. majora for 
mdhjosa. 

Sometimes, however, intervocalic j- is found in Greek — 
Tpdaov ' leek,' L. pornim (pr'som). 

In T^atin too, s is found — susiirrus, a word of imitative 
origin, asi?iiis, ndsiis, casa, caesarics (for these last see 
account of Conway's Law, Chap. VIL). 

s in causa catissa, is for ss — caussa ' cutting, legal decision ' 
comes, according to Conway, from the participle of "^caudo,. 
which became cFido, on the analogy of incudo. The s '\xv 
fusiis * spindle ' stands also for ss — -fusus from fudtus, parti- 
ciple of ficndo. quaeso is for quaes-so (or apply Conway's 
Law), haiisi for haiis-sl. 

One more example of intervocalic s in Latin is ero, O.L^ 
eso, subjunctive used as future, cp. Gk. sw w. 



Sound Relations in Lido-Etiropcan. 53 

jSIedial s may remain in Teutonic — A.S. 7iasu (cp. L. ndris), 
or become r (through s), if the vowel immediately preceding 
■did not have the principal accent (see account of Verner's 
Law, Chap. VII.). 

s before / and u has been already treated under / and //. 
In Minerva from Menesijd (cp. Gk. /xEvgu-' sense, mind') 
we have s appearing as r before //. 

Something must now be said of s in conjunction with 
■continuous consonants. 

sr in Greek becomes pp, which, when initial, was reduced 
to p — Hom. 'ippa, h- (Sk. dsravat) (sreu-), pori (srou-), p-jctz, 
(sm-), pof £w (srobh-, cp. L. sorbed (srbh-)). 

In Latin, initial jr became //zr, then//-; medial ^r became 
br—frigi(S = sr'igos (Gk. pr/o;) ; frdt^a ' strawberries '= .fnTi,'-^ 
{Gk. /sag pciyo; ' grape ') ; sobrlnus ' cousin ' = suesrlnos 
* sister's son ' ; cerebrum — ceresrom (keres-), cp. Gk. vApa for 
-/.apioa. (kres-) ; ffniebris =funesris, cp. funestus, funus fun- 
eris ; membruiii = memsroui, cp. Goth, w/ws 'flesh'; tene- 
brae (Sk. tamisrd, O.H.G. demerimga (G. ddinnierung), 
cp. O.H.G. ditislar, finstar (G. finster.) ). Two stems 
mixed produced tenebrae, viz., feiiisrd and tem9srd. The 
former became fciisrd, and its ;/ was introduced into the 
latter. This is Brugmann's explanation of the ;/ in tenebrae, 
Kluge says that dissimilation from the following labial b pro- 
duced n, Wharton suggests a popular connexion with Uned. 

dirud for disrud is formed after dllud. 

In Teutonic, sr initial, or medial (before the date of Ver- 
ner's Law), became str — Goth, sivistar, &c. ; A.S. stream, 
O.H.G. stroum (Gk. pwi — (srou-). 



5 4 Manual of L ing-ui sties. 

The combination rs has l:)een already referred to under r, 

si in Greek becomes XX, which initially passes into X, 
and sometimes medially, with compensation — Xj^^w ' cease ' 
(slegy-), cp. langiteo (slangy ), A.S. siccc and O.H.G. slack 
(slagu-) ; Gk. yji7.ioi and x/'>^"''i I^esb. yjWioi (Sk. sahdsrd) 
(gheslo-, ghesliio-). 

In Latin s disappears before / — laui^iieo (see above), 
prelum ' wine-press ' for preslom, alir for axla (cp. axilla 
' armpit,' A.S. caxl ' shoulder,' O.H.G. ahsala (G. achsel) ), 
veliDii for vcxloin (velio), scdla for scautsld {scando)^ ad'ina 
for cocsUnd (without compensation in unaccented syllable). 

locus is for sflocus, l/s for ^/Z/^-, //tv^ ' spleen ' for spln'n 
(Gk. (ttX^v). 

5-/ remains in Teutonic. 

The combination Is has been referred to under /. 

s medial disappears in Greek before ;;/, with compensation 
— Attic sifj^i, Lesb. wx/ (safii) : ^i//x?j 'leaven' (l^v(f/j.r,), h.j'us 
'broth,' cp. Sk.j'/ls/zas. Sometimes, however, by form-associa- 
tion, the s is brought back — thus, sW/ induces scfj^sv for regular 
s/'asi', and rifj.(plssrai induces ri/jt,ph(rfj.ai beside regular ufzai. 

ciff/Mvog is for ff^arff/xsi/oc (p. 122) (suad-), cp. d'^ddvu (suand-) 
and riho!J.rii (suad-) ; oaiJ^ri for ohaiMd (cp. hhiMr{). 

6 remains in afj.spdaXsog ' terrible,' A.S. smeortan (E. 
smart)^ O.H.G. smerzan (G. schmerzen) (smerd-), cp. L.. 
mordeo (smrd), but drops in iJ^noiaM, after assimilation, cp, 
(pi'/.(}ijj[j.iihy]g. 

In Latin 5 drops before w* — nilrus, cp. Sk. jr;;// ' smile,' 
E. sniilc, smirk ; primus {ox prismas ; di moved for dismoved, 
cdmena for casmc/ia, omittd for opsmittd — the last two without 
compensation in an unaccented syllable. 

* Conway says that during the period of rhotacism s before nasals and 
after an accented syllable became r in Latin — carmoi, verna, diuntus. 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 55 

siibtanoi is for sul>tex»ien, semenstris, for sexvibistris. 
s/n, as appears from cognates given above, remains in 
Teutonic. It drops however in Goth. i/)i ' am,' Gk. s/'a/ (sa/i/). 
A.S. eo?n is said to be the result of contamination with beovi. 
For example of jus take in Greek hn/j^a, Lesb. sKs/i^aa (for 
ht[/.6a) ; in Latin, sumpsi with intrusive / — unless this is a 
new formation, for iiis probably became ns ; in Teutonic, 
Goth. a77is (Sk. di)isas (dmsos) — cp. L. ujuerus (6mesos) and 
Gk. io,ao5 (dmsos).) 

sn in Greek passes into ^v — s\j\ivr,rog 'well spun ' ( {ts)]iiu). 
Initially, this was simplified to v — v\){o)Cg (Sk. smishd). 

vv remains in some dialects, but is in others simplified, 
with compensation — Ion. (panvog, Lesb. (paivvoi (for <pa.fi(swC) ; 
'Qlivfi for ^wfft?j. Ionic s/Vj^/ ' dress ' exhibits this simplifica- 
tion and compensation, but e was reintroduced from forms 
with that letter, viz., itrtJ^va/, &c., and the In'aiti that was got 
after assimilation of the s became permanent. 

s before n disappears in Latin — iiuriis (Sk. snusha) ; satin 
for satis?ie ; viden for videsne, with shortening of vowel ; 
diniunero for dismmiero ; perna ' ham ' (persna, see above) ; 
annus for asnos (asn-), cp. Goth, asa/is ' harvest ' (ason-). 

/una is {or loi/xiia ; sail ior sex iil, pen na (or pefsnd {pet- 
' fly ') ; cernuus, * headlong ' for cersnuos, cp. cerebrum for 
ceresrom ; abius 'alder' for alsmis, A.S. air, O.H.G. clira 
and erila (G. erle). 

For sn in Teutonic, take Goth, asneis ' day-labourer,' 
A.S. ejnc, O.H.G. cjni (Teut. dsniia-, with accent on first 
syllable — cp. Goth, asans 'harvest'); but forms also occur 
that must have had the first syllable unaccented, judging 
from the operation of Verner's Law— O.H.G. am, gen. 
ami 'harvest' (M.H.G. erne, G. crnte), arnon 'reap,' A.S. 



5 6 Mamtal of L ingiiistics. 

earnian ' earn ' (Teut. aznoian). Also, accentless on root, 
A.S. leornian 'learn,' O.H.G. lirnen, lernen (Teut. liznoian 
— cp. Goth. lais ' I know,' pret.-pres. with accent on root- 
syllable); and O.H.G. hirni (G. him), from hirzni hirsfiz 
(Teut. hirzniid), L. cerebrum, Scotch hams. Compare also, 
with labial, Goth, hzvairnei ' skull.' 

The combination us, followed by a consonant, has been 
already noticed under n. 

For an example in Greek of tis, followed by a vowel, take 
f/AS/va, Lesb. i'Mina (for ifiivaa). 

Triaau 'winnow' is said to be for 7rr/KT/'w, L. pi'fiso (pins- 
and pis-). 

ns remains in Latin — mensis. ns occurs frequently 
enough in Teutonic, and often where one would ex- 
pect nz. 

ss in Greek becomes s — sVfffa/ appears as 'i-ici, even in 
Homer, cp. h'^arri^oc, for dug + crrivoc. 

ss remains in Latin after short vowels, but is reduced to 
single s after long vowels — gessJ, gressiis, cassits ' empty ' 
{cadfiis from cado), but mlsl, haes'i, fusus (see above), ss 
probably occurred in primitive Teutonic, but afterwards got 
reduced to s. There are no sure examples. 

Before tenues, s usually remains everywhere. 

For s lost in such a surrounding take as example Gk. 
%o{p)iu) ' perceive ' ((a)xoi!/w), L. caved, Goth. {us)skaws 
'prudent,' A.S. scea^vian 'show' (sk9oii-, cp. &uoGy.6[F)og 
'sacrificing priest'); L. parens * sparing,' cp. Gk. s-raf>v6g, 
A.S. sj>^r ' sparing' (spar-). 

sabulum ' sand ' is for psahloni (psabh-), cp. -^n^og ' peb- 
ble' (psabh-). 

In the combination hs, the letters sometimes interchange 



Sound Relations iu Indo-Ewopcan. 5 7 

places — L. ascia ' axe,' cp. Gk. a^/f*), Goth, ahvizt, A.S. 
eax ; L. visciim 'mistletoe,' cp. Gk. /^o'c. 

s in .f?//i'r, &c., is said to be a reduction of ks, cp. B^-j'npde 
* from above.' 

sk has been transposed in ^/p&;, cp. Lesb. (rx.i(poc. 

stiideo is {ox pstudeo (pstud-), cp. Gk. (Tts-jSw 'hasten' 
(psteud-) ; sfer/iuo ' sneeze ' is for pstermto (pstern-), cj). Gk. 
'TTdpvu!J.ai (pstrn-). 

Examples of final s are common everywhere. Final s in 
Teutonic was subject to the action of Verner's Law. The 
z which the operation of this law produced, passed into s 
in Gothic, and shared the lot of the s that had remained 
tmchanged. But the regular appearance of original final s, 
as z, when a suffix is attached— yVi'^^/ 'ye who' {jus 'ye'), 
Jnvazuh ' every ' {hivas ' who ') — would lead one to suppose 
that before its passage to s, z had generally usurped the 
place of final s. This opinion is supported by the fact that 
in the case of an s which had become final at a later date, 
J remains — wasuh ' and there was ' (7vas ' it was.') 

Final s was in Norse levelled under ;:;, the latter appear- 
ing as r. 

In West Germanic, final s— which had made encroach- 
ments on the territory of final s — was dropped, but final s 
was retained. In Old High German, the z dominated the 
nominatives plural of a- stems, but in Anglo-Saxon, s re- 
asserted itself, and was generalised — O.H.G. fnga 'days,' 
A.S. dcJi^ms. 

When r appears for s — O.H.G. />, er (Goth, is) ; O.H.G. 
wir (Goth, zveis) ; O.H.G. zar, zi/r, zcr (Goth, ///s-)— this 
is doubtless due to facts in sentence phonetics. 

In all European languages, the combination of original 



5 8 Manual of L ingiiistics. 

media aspirata + s, has the same representation as original 
tenuis + s. 

z : This sound probably only appeared before mediae 
and aspirated mediae. Owing to the operation of various 
changes, this consonant hardly survives in propria persona in 
the languages under consideration. 

Gk. 6^ivvvn,i ' quench ' is said to represent zgue-, the weak 
grade of segye-, seen in L. segnis 'slow.' Gk. 'lok 'be' is 
for izdhi {zdhi), with prothetic vowel, induced by sibilant. 
'IsQi ' know ' is for iiiddhi (ueid-). 

In Gk. iJ.is&6g, Goth, niizdo 'reward,' A.S. vieord (W.S. 
incd (E. meed)), O.H.G. jnefa, miefa, miata (G. iniethe 
' pay '), the originals were mizdlid-, mizdha-. 

Gk. xiff^og ' hole,' L. custos, Goth, huzd ' hoard,' A.S. 
hord are to be referred to kiizdh- (keudh- ' hide,' cp. 
Gk. %i\j&(n, A.S. hydan (with /-umlaut of co)). 

The original of 7fidus was nizdos ; of s'ldo, sizdo ; of mergiis 
' gull ' (' diver '), mezguos ; of Idem, izdem ; of hordeum, 
ghrzdeij)m, cp. A.S. gerst, O.H.G. gersta 'barley' (gherzd-); 
of nobis, &c., nozbis, with l>h- suffix. 

hasfa (Goth, gazds ' goad,' A.S. gierd {ie = /-umlaut of ea^ 
the breaking of a) (E. yard), O.H.G. gerta (G. gerte)) is from 
ghazdha. E. goad (A.S. gad (ghaito-) is cognate with Sk. 
hi ' drive on,' and Gk. ^a/og ' shepherd's staff.' 

r : Sk. rudhiras (rudhr-) Gk. spvdpog, L. ruder (rudhr-, L, 
russiis (rudhto-)), Goth. rdii\'>s, A.S. read, O.H.G. rof 
(roudh-, cp. with same root, L. rufus). 

There were at least two liquids in Indo-European— r and 
/. Sanskrit does not always corroborate European (or 
Armenian) in its representation of these sounds, for, while 
Sk. r usually answers to European r, the latter is sometimes 



Sound Relations in I ndo- European. 59 

represented in Sanskrit by /. Sometimes both r and a later 
/ appear. European / is in Sanskrit mostly represented by 
r, but sometimes by /, or by r, and later by /. The /, 
however, that represents European /, is a much more 
frequent sound than the / that corresponds to European r. 

So far as frequent occurrence is concerned, r in Sanskrit 
wins easily. There is hardly a root containing /, that does 
not also show r, and it was only in the later periods of the 
language that / asserted its individuality. 

r had in Sanskrit a cerebral pronunciation. A following 
dental becomes cerebral, and r itself vanishes — kdtas 'wicker- 
work' (kyort-), cp. Gk. yApraXXoc, 'basket,' Goth, haurds 
'door,' A.S. hyrdel 'hurdle' (jj' = /-umlaut), O.H.G. hurt 
(G. hi'irde) ' wickerwork ' (kurt-), and L. crates (kyft-). 

In Greek, initial p sometimes suffers prothesis — spudfog 
(L. ruber). 

Occasionally, to satisfy the desire for dissimilation, the 
one liquid takes the place of the other — ,aop/xo>.urro,«,a/ 
' frighten ' and !Mof>iJ.opog 'fear.' 

This process is common in Latin — caerukus and caelum, 
{exempl)aris and {aequ)alis, peregr'inus and Vulgar Latin 
pelegrinus (O.F. pelegrin, F. pelerin (E. pilgrim)). 

Notice the following assimilations in Latin — stella for 
ste7-Ia (L. sterno), paullus iox paurlos (Gk. itaZpoz). 

In the same language, rir'i sometimes result in er — hlbernus 
{lilbrinus himrinus), cp. Gk. %=//i.£f/vo; ; incertus for iiicritos 
(cp. Gk. ay.pirog) ; secerfid for secrino (even simple cerfiomih. 
accented syllable shews the er, got presumably from the 
cpds.) ; tero {trio, cp. trivi). 

rs appears as rr, and before /, as s, with compensation — 
porrum (Gk. T^affov— prsom) ; /^r/r iox ferse : far farris 



6o Manual of Liitgiii sties. 

(Goth, harizeins ' of barley,' A.S. here — bhars-) ; fdstigiuin, 
iox farstigiihan (bhrstl-), cp. Sk. hhrsht'is 'point,' A.S. hyrst 
' bristle ' (ur into yr, by /-umlaut) (bhrstl-). 

Unoriginal rs remains, and interchanges with ss — dorsum 
dossum (dorttum, drt-). Compare Dosscnus ' the hunch- 
back of the Atellan farces ' ; but this word is now said to be 
of Semitic origin, and to mean ^ bon vivaiit! 

rs remained in Greek, but later became pp—6ap(fsu and 
dappi'ji, Goth, gadatirsan, A.S. durrufi, O.H.G. tiirran 
(dhrs-) ; rspcoij^ai ' dry up ' (ters-) ; Sk. tfshydmi ' I thirst ' L. 
torreo {torsed), Goth, \aurstei, A.S. Sj/n-/ (jv through /-umlaut), 
O.H.G. durst (trs-). 

rs sometimes becomes rr in Teutonic (see previous sen- 
tence) — O.H.G. irron (G. irreii), (L. err are for ersare, 
Goth, airzjan ' mislead '). 

For the r in Teutonic, that through intermediate z came 
to represent I.E. s, see the Chapter on Grimm's Law. 

Note cancer ( = career, by dissimilation) and Jtupzivcc. 

r disappears before {s)h in cam (caesna) = caersna, cp. sili- 
cernium ' funeral feast ' {sedeb 4- ) ; after st in praestlgiae (by 
dissimilation) ' tricks ' {prae, striga ' witch ') ; before sc in 
posed {por{c)sco), Sk. prchdini ' I ask,' O.H.G. forscon (G. 
forschefi) (prksk-), cp. L. precor, Goth. fraih?ian, A.^.frignan 
(prek-), and L. procax (prok-, Gk. ko':Tp6':rog = diO':rpo-A,Foc) ; 
and before st in tostus iporstus). 

In the A.S. rifelifig ' a sort of shoe or sandal ' (Norse 
hrif/ifigr, L. crepida ' sandal ' (krep-), Gk. Kpn'^fi ' half- 
boot ' krep-), we have /ir represented by r. 

Note the disappearance of r in specan (for sprecan) 
' speak.' 

In Anglo-5axon, Ir passes into //, sr into ss, in sella 
' better ' for se/ra, tccssa ' less ' for h'csra. 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 6 1 

1 : Sk. lih ' lick,' Gk. Xs/p^w, L. ////,i-o, Goth. {/n)laigdfi, 
A.S. liicia/i {cc = },}, = },n=ghn (with accent following), see 
Paul & Kluge's Law, Chap. VII.) O.H.G. leccho?i{G. leckm) 
(ligh-, leigh-, loigh-, lingh). 

In Greek, initial >. sometimes suffers prothesis — iXatppoz 
'light,' l\a.-/jji 'small,' Sk. laghus, 'light,' A.S. liingre 
'quickly,' O.H.G. linigar 'quick,' (Inghu- and Inghurd-), 
cp. L. kvis (leghu-), and Goth, ki/ifs, A.S. leoht {eo, breaking 
of /, shortened from 7) (Teut. lihta, compens. lengthening, 
from lenghu). 

Before r and tJ, X in Doric became v — cp. the (phrarog 
and ?k5ov of Theocritus. 

Xv with preceding short vowel results in aX, with later 
compensatory lengthening — /Soj?.jra/ (Lesb. /So/.>.=7-a;) = 
y^iolfMrai (gulno-), oXy.u'Mi = oXi-D/x/. 

In Latin /n becomes by assimilation // — collis =^ cobiis 
(cp. Gk. %(j\m(ic, (kuolon-) unless it represents leii, when 
it remains — ulna (Gk. ciXsvjj (ol(e)n-), cp. Godi. aleina 
(' verschrieben fiir alina ' Kluge). A.S. ejn ' ell ' (E. 
elbow) {e from a (orig. a) by /-umlaut), O.H.G. elin{a) (G. 
elk). 

«/ gives same result — homullus for hovwnlos. 

For a like assimilation in Teutonic, compare the Gothic 
and Anglo-Saxon cognates of collis — Goth, hallus 'rock,' 
A.S. //m//(cp. A.S. /y// (>■ = /-umlaut of m) (kyoln-). 

In Latin, Is also became // — collum^colsjun (A.S. heals), 
velle for velse. 

Xg remains in Greek— rs'Xffov ' boundary-furrow ' (Sk. 
kdrshdini ' I furrow, plough,' (k^els-). 

m : Sk. mddhyas, Gk. /jA{6)gog {-d/il-, see under /), L. 
mediiis, Goth, midjis, A.S. inidd, O.H.G. mitti (medhios). 



62 Manual of Linguistics. 

In the parent speech there were as many nasals as there 
were classes of explosives — labial, dental, palatal, and velar 
nasals. 

For these four nasals there were separate characters in 
Sanskrit, not to mention an extra character for a cerebral 
nasal. In English the character of a nasal is still determined 
by its surrounding, although only two characters are made 
use of. 

Final ;;/ becomes v in Greek (and in Teutonic, conserved 
when followed by suffix, dropped otherwise) — Gk. t'w, Goth. 
\ana, A.S. ^gne, O.H.G. de7i (with diff. ablaut) (Sk. tdvi 
(torn) ); Goth. widfi^Ttwi. uulfan). 

Note also a later change of vi into 71 — O.H.G. dat. plu. 
iagun (from tagum), A.S. dagnm (later dagon) ; O.H.G. i 
plu. geban ' we give ' (from gebam, cp. Goth, giham). 

mt is said to have become vr in Hom. yhro ' he grasped/ 
cp. 'jyyz/zog (Hesych.) 'a grasping.' 

In Latin, m became n before / — coTitrd (cum) ; before d 
— eimdem {ei/ni), perendie ' day after to-morrow ' (cp. Sk. 
pdras ' yonder ' : assume a loc. peresnii (Sk. pdrasviiu), 
whence parem, pareti). Analogy however produced many 
exceptions — verumtamen and quavidiu after the analogy of 
veriim and quam. 

This change also takes place in Teutonic — Goth, hund, 
A.S. hund, O.H.G. hunt (see under w) (kmtdm). 

In Greek, /z./3p, ^a/SX, vhp, after the generation of /3 and 5, 
the nasal, when initial, drops — /S/^oroc {a[/.(BpoToc) Sk. mdrtas, 
mrtds (mdrtos and mrt6s, see under r) ; /SXwffxw 'come' 
{[j,ilj.^'ku%a, g/AoXoi' (ml-) ; bpOTr,ra (probable substitute in 
certain cases for avhpor^ra). 

In Latin and Greek, mi becomes «/ — venid, {Sahu (gumio). 

In this combination, gemination appears in Teutonic — 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 63 

A.S. frcnimian 'further,' O.H.C. fntiiunian, cp. O.H.C. 
fnoii 'fit' {Cj. fro/n//i). 

in is lost in iiuncupo {nomeiiciipo), in sesqiii- {scinissi- + -que), 
in forceps {foriiiiceps, ' quod his, forma, id est caHda, capiun- 
tur' Festus). 

Plumbum ' lead ' is from viUimbom, cp. Gk. iJ.iXv3bog, 

n : Sk. ndvas, Gk. v'sog, L. 7iovus (n^uos), Sk. ndvyas 
•Goth. 7iiujis, A.S. ncozve, O.H.G. tiiuwi {Qi. neu) (n^uios). 

In Greek (and Gothic), guttural ?i is written g — '^y'/,<^, 
•Goth. {ga)aggivjan ' distress greatly' (L. a>!gd). 

V drops before s followed by a consonant without com- 
pensatory lengthening — xEffr&g 'embroidered' for '/.ivcrog, 
from xivriuj ^afusanpog for •/^apiFivGnpo;, ' Adr,vaZ^i for 
' Adtivava-h, harrorrig {^v;, I.E. deius ' of a house,' rt. detu- 
' build '). 

vi final, in Greek, only remains in Cretan and Argive. Else- 
where the V became sonant, and formed with the preceding 
short vowel a long nasal vowel. This afterwards lost its 
■nasality — Doric rwj, Ionic-Attic 7-o-i; (Cretan and Argive ro%c). 

For i-s followed by a vowel, see under s. 

In final -/ts, and in -/is/-, the ;/ drops in Latin with com- 
pensatory lengthening — {equ)ds for -ous (Goth. -atis). pihan 
iox pinslom, ilicd for in{s)locd. 

By the bye, it is said that the combination of long vowel 
-I- us dropt the nasal in Indo-European. Compare the as 
and OS of the following two a stems — Sk. dsvds 'mares,' 
•Goth, gihos 'gifts.' 

In vlcetil for vicent-ni- (uikmt-), n has dropped with com- 
pensation, in £/V.o(T/ (ueikmti), /// has become s, with o for a^ 
from the --Mna. of the other numerals. 



64 Manual of Linguistics. 

Note census for censtus, and anfractus ' winding ' (Oscan 
amfr- (L. rtw/;-) and ago). Perhaps the r of amfr- {amfer} 
is due to the analogy of prepositions in er, Hke inter. 

In Teutonic, ;/ disappears before //, and the preceding 
vowel is lengthened — Goth. \>dhia, A.S. 'Sohte, O.H.G. 
ddhta (G. dachte) (O.L. fongere 'know'). 

Combinations with ;/ in Teutonic, as noticed above in the 
case of In, often result in gemination of the previous con- 
sonant, e.g., kk = l.'E. kn, gn, ghn (palatals and velars), with 
accent on following vowel ; //= I.E. ///, dn, dim, with accent 
on following vowel ;// = I.E. ///, /'//, Idin, with accent on 
following vowel (see statement of Paul and Kluge's Law 
in Chapter on Grimm's Law). 

r: Sk. wr/zV ' death,' Gk. iSpoTog 'mortal,' L. mors mortis,. 
Goth. maur\r, A.S. mor^, O.H.G. mord {G. f?iord) (mrt-). 

Before /, and, with r as intervening glide, before vowels, 
r is represented in Sanskrit by nr ir, in Greek by up, in 
Latin by or, and in Teutonic by ur ; before other sounds 
(explosives, spirants, nasals, ij) and finally, r is represented 
in Sanskrit by the ri vowel, in Greek by pa ap, in Latin by 
or, and in Teutonic by rn ur. 

The po of jSpoToc is due to the mixing of a form having 
-op- (or) with a form having -pa.- (;-). The in A.S. mor"^ 
and O.H.G. niord^ is caused by what is sometimes called 
f?-umlaut (see Chap. V.). 

For general examples of r, take Gk. %a/>w for yapij^, 
O.L. Iiorior {Iwrtor is from ^hortus^xapToc, 'wished for'); 
Sk. gurus, Gk. ^a.p'jg, Goth, kaurus (gurriis), L. gravis 
for grovis (gUrou-), cp. avis for ^;m»(Gk. oiuv6g = oFi(»\ng 
L. autumo {avitumo) ' say,' Gk. ahiJ^ai {iFujij^ai) ' think ' 
(augural terms) ) ; Sk. siras, Gk. y.dpa for Kapiaa (kres). 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 65 

cp. L. cerebriwi (keres-) ; Sk. hrd, Gk. xa^hia Tipaolri, L. 
cor cordis (krd-), cp. Goth, hairto, A.S. heorte (^(? = breaking 
of e), O.H.G. herza (G. hcrz) (kerd-); Gk. ps'^w (reg. pa^w 
for fpa.ym), Goth, waiirkjan, O.H.G. wurchen (urg-) (see 
above, under /); Goth, tnidaii 'tread,' cp. A.S. tredan, 
O.H.G. tretan (G. treten) ; Goth. brd\>rum, dat. plu. of 
bro\>ar, cp. with Sk. loc. plu. bhratrshu ; L. querciis {querquus 
quorquus) ' oak,' A.S. fiirh-, O.H.G. forha (the due to 
following a) (G. fohre) (kurku-) — tree-names are sometimes 
confused, cp. L. fdgus ' beech ' and Gk. (prjyog ' oak,' L. 
fraxi}ii(s 'ash ' and A.S. beorce {eo= breaking of e) ' birch' 
(bhrg-, bherg-) ; Gk. ri^-ap (iekur-), L. Jecnr {-or) (iekur-), 
Sk. ydkrt (iekurt-). 

Note oudap, like -/i-ap, with suffix r. The Sanskrit cognate 
is udhar. The suffix here cannot represent an original r. 
There is some difficulty with the termination of L. uber. The 
Teutonic cognates are A.S. uder, O.H.G. ntar (G. enter). 

Sometimes or appears as iir in Latin {0 before r + con- 
sonant fluctuates between o and u) — ursus for orcsos (Sk. 
rkshas, Gk. apxTOQ (rkthos)). 

zjr appears in Latin initially as ver, vor, and ur (vur) — 
verro (and vorro) 'sweep' (urs-), cp. Gk. o.'zdFipsi 'it 
swept away' (uers-); urged urgued for inirgiieo (urgu-), cp. 
Gk. s{F)ipyu, L. vergo (uergU-). 

nr appears as rii in tnia ' handle ' (tur-), cp. Gk. ropint 
* ladle ' (tuor-), A.S. "Swiril (tuer-) ' churn-handle.' 

For k^-fr, confer quercus above. 

Initial gi'r appears as gur (gor), in gurges (gurg-), and as 
vor in voro (gWr-), cp. Gk. (5opd, ^ilSpuaxu, Sk. glrni's 'a 
swallowing' (g9f-). 

The appearance of ur or ir in Sanskrit, was doubtless 

E 



66 Manual of Linguistics. 

conditioned l)y the character of the neighbouring sounds. 
A labial neighbourhood would favour the appearance 
of ur. ap appears in Greek before vowels and con- 
sonants, pa before consonants, while initially, a always pre- 
ceded p, as in ap/c-og. Form-association sometimes deter- 
mined the use of ap and pa in Greek, and of ur or m (ur 
probably original) in Teutonic. 

The u of Teutonic is in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
German subject to the usual umlauts — A.S. ford (or for ur, 
by fl-umlaut), O.H.G. /urf, L. partus (prtu-) ; A.S. cyrnel [yr 
for ur, by /-umlaut), Goth, kaurn (grno-), L. grdtiiwi (-r-). 

f: Sk. irmds, L. annus, Goth, arms, A.S. ear7n (ea = 
breaking of a) (fmds). 

Everything is not yet clear about the representation of the 
long liquid sonants in general. 

Thus much may be said of f — in Sanskrit, it is repre- 
sented by tr ur ; in Greek, by op pu, and finally, by Mp ; in 
Latin, by ar and rd ; and in Teutonic, by ar. 

As examples, take Sk. urdhvds 'upright,' Gk. Ip&dg, L. 
arduus (rdhu6s) ; Sk. stlrjids ' spread,' Gk. dTpurog, L. strdtus. 

In Gk. '\)huip, the 6up is said to be for r. 

Gk. (jp, L. ar were doubtless shortened from up and ar, on 
some such principle as that which gives us L. ventus from 
(uent-), see Chapter V., page 112. 

1 : Sk. piprmds ' we fill ' Gk. (iii)r:'i'::Xaii,%v, L. polled 
(pohied), Goth, fulls, A.S. fyllan (y by /-umlaut), O.H.G. 
Jullen (G. fiilleii). 

/, compared with r, has in similar circumstances similar 
representations. In Sanskrit we have id (it), ur, and the ;-/ 
(//) vowel, in Greek aX and Xa, in Latin ol, in Teutonic ul 
and lu (ul probably original). 



Sound Relations in Indo-Eiiropean. 67 

Take for additional example Sk. //// ' lift,' Gk. raXairok, 
L. tokro, Goth, \iulan ' thole,' A.S. '6oHan, O.H.G. thulteti 
(G. dulden) (f/l-), cp. Gk. r&V« (-/-)• 

In Latin, / also appears as iil {o before / + consonant, 
(except //) passed into u)—titll ; _i;u/a ' throat ' (gyl-, or gl), 
A.S. ceo/e (^i^ = <?-umlaut of e), O.H.G. c/ie/a (G. /ce/i/e) (glJel-, 
or gel-); s///cus 'furrow,' A.S. s^/Z/i 'plough' (slkos), Gk. 
oXxog (solkos). 

///appears in Greek as a-j, in Latin as /// — G. Xuxog, L. 
//////j- (dialectic for hiqiius), Sk. vrkas, Goth, lutdfs, A.S. 
7vulf, O.H.G. 7£'^/7(uikuos), cp. Gk. ax&) 'drag' (uelku-). 

The // of Teutonic is in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
-German subject to the usual umlauts — A.S. hott iol for ul 
by rt-umlaut), O.H.G. /////s, Gk. xtAUg 'branch' (kldd-). 

i: Sk. firud ' wool,' L. lana; Sk. d'lrghds ' long,' Gk. hrjXiyJc, 
L. largus {lalgus, dalgus, r due to dissimilation) ; Sk. itrmis, 
•'wave,' A.S. ivielm wylm; Gk. yXufog 'pale,'L.7?<7w/j-. 

In A.S. wielm wylm, the ie and y are /-umlauts of ea, the 
breaking of original a. The Teut. type is ualmiz. 

From the above examples, it appears that / was repre- 
sented in Sanskrit by Jr Fir, in Greek by oX 7^01, in Latin by 
{al) Id, and in Teutonic by al. 

m : Sk. satdtn, G. i'/icirov (for axarov, a = s/>i, cf L. sci/iel 
(sefu) — cp. UTipoc for smteros {hspog gets its e from the 
analogy of the oblique cases of sk), L. centum, Goth, hund 
(see under ;;/), A.S. hund, O.H.G. ////;// (G. kundert, for 
second portion of this and of E. hundred cp. Goth. ra]yan 
'count') (LE. (d)kmt6m). 

n : Sk. saj^td, Gk. i'-rd, L. septeni (jn got from the ordi- 
nal) (LE. septn), Goth, sihun, A.S. seofon {eo due to //- 



68 Manila I of Linguistics. 

umlaut), O.H.G. sibun (I.E. sepn), but perhaps in is here 
the original sound. Brugmann chooses the latter. 

In the parent speech, as in the case of the nasal conson- 
ants, there were as many nasal sonants as classes of explosives 
— labial, dental, palatal, and 7'elar. 

In unaccented syllables before /, in syllables with princi- 
pal accent before consonants, and, with intervening w and 
n as glides, before vowels, ;;/ ;/ are represented in Sanskrit 
by am an, in Greek by av, in Latin by em en, and in Teutonic 
by iim iiu ; before other sounds (explosives, spirants, nasals, 
liquids), and finally, they are represented in Sanskrit by a, in 
Greek by a, in Latin by em en, and in Teutonic by nm, un. 

For examples take Sk. ddntas, L. dens, Goth. tun\ms 
(dnt-), cp. Gk. hhovT-, A.S. to^ (compens. lengthening for loss 
of o), O.H.G. za?id (G. zahn) (dont-) ; Sk. tanus, Gk. 
ravvy^cjaaag 'long tongued,' L. tetiuis, A.S. ^yn?te (the _y 
due to /-umlaut), O.H.G. du n ni (tnnu-) : O.L. Aemt? (later 
lio7nb (ghona6(n)), Goth, gnma, A.S. gnma {ii for West 
Germanic o, before nasal), E. (l)ride)g{r)oom, O.H.G. gotria 
{p = a-wxv\zvi\.) (ghmmo(n)); Gk. (3a/\uj, L. ven/o (gymio), 
cp. Goth, kwiman, A.S. cutnan (czviman), O.H.G. queman 
(gUem-) ; Sk. ajil^udrds) ' waterless,' Gk. ai>(udf>oi) (nn-), and 
Sk. a{pdd-) Gk. a(-rou;) (//-) — Latin and Teutonic have the 
same form (L. in, Teut. un) for both prefixes. 

Note aosGriTrip 'helper' {ge=/ci'i) {stn-, sok'-'- (cp. L. sequor))^ 
There is a new explanation of mJlia which discloses stn-^ 
viz., milia=S!n{h)flia (/ = LE. sonant z), cp. Sk. sahdsram, 
both = ' one thousand,' whereas ;//>-/« is simply ' thousand ' 
(Amer. Jour. Phil., vol. xiii. 2, p. 227). 

Just as in the combination d' + nasal, e passed into / ia 
Latin, so em (m) appears also as im — sim(plex), sin^guU)^ 



Sound Relations in I ndo- European. 69 

stm(iel), Gk. a(TaH), u^fMa), a(T>.o-jc), Goth. siivis ' some,' 
A.S. sii/ii, (). H.G. siiiii {s//i-). 

So en (;/), as in l/Ni:;i/a (for di'/^i^ua), Goth, tuggo^ A.S. 
tufige, O.H.G. zunga (G. zii/ige) (dnghua). // appears as 7 in 
.Jg'w/V, Sk. ^^^;z/i- (ngunls). 

The developed 11 of the Teutonic representation is subject 
to the same changes as natural u — A.S. sy?in ' sin' ( v>i for 
tin, by z'-umlaut), O.H.G. sinita and sundia (sntia), cp. L. 
sons sontis ' guilty ' (sonti-). 

m : Sk. dgdia, Gk. s^jjts (Dor. ^7) (^ gufnt^). 

n : Sk. dt'is ' a water-fowl,' Gk. i/jjo-ffa ' duck ' (from 
naria) (nti-) — cp. L. (r;/^?^, A.S. (^//f^ (E. d(rake) ' duck- 
king '), O.H.G. a/n/f (G. ^^z*^), perhaps from a stem auati-: 
Sk. yd/ar- 'wife of husband's brother,' h.jam'fnces (inter-), 
■cp. Gk. sivdnpic, strong stem ajidter- (Bloomfield). 

The above cognates embody all that is definitely known 
about the representation of the long sonant nasals, viz. : — In 
Sanskrit, ;/ and in are represented by (7, in Greek, between 
consonants, by a, 77 initial being represented by rn- (Dor. 
va-). In Latin, 77 is represented by nd and an, which 
correspond to Gk. a and va. 

It will be useful here, to notice some formations in which 
the nasal sonants appear. A nasal sonant is seen in the per- 
sonal ending of the 3d plu. pres. — Sk. sdnti, Gk. (Ion.) 'iaai 
for havTi, Umbrian sent (L. sunt is for sent, the u being due 
to the analogy of thematic presents like ferunt, agunt), 
Norse eru 'are,' Prim. Teut. iziin\i (snti) : also in the 3d 
plu. endings of historic tenses — Gk. i^ihii^av, O.H.G. 
{iviss)un. 



70 Mamial of Linguistics. 

The a (w-) of Uu^a, Szc, represents a nasal sonant. 

In aorists, nasal sonants appear — h/^ubov {yj''0- ' seize/ 
L. -/ze/!d-, strong grade), sXaxov {Xiyyj ' obtain,' cp. Xi'koyx«'y 
with strong grade). 

/Sa/i/w (gumio) is an example of a present with nasal 
sonant. 

Nasal sonants appear in the verbal 7-a-o; ' stretched,' 
tefitus {-fjt-); in --'i^a-ai {-/.it-), 3d sing. perf. pass. (cp. 
<p6vog, strong grade) ; in ysya'Mi'j {-71 fn-), ist plu. perf. (cp. 
yiyova, strong grade) ; in aorist s'-/cra,asi/ {-/jm-) ; in the 3d 
plu. endings -arai -uto {-nt-) ; in the aorist infinitives ra/xs/i' 
{-inf?i-), 7.ra'yi7v {-n/i-), daviTv (/j/i), &c. ; and in the participial 
suffixes Sk. -a/if-, Gk. a<jr-{(dsi^)avT-) (-;//-) ; and Sk. at, L. 
-e/it- ( {riid)ent-) {-{it-). 

Note Doric 'iricaa, nom. sing. fem. pres. part, {s/jti). 

In Sk. asjfia-, JEoWc aiJ^iJ.^;, Att. '/^/xs/i, (rough breathing 
due to the influence of i'/xj/j, where it equals / ), Prim. Gk. 
aciMi-, Goth, inis, we have the representatives of an I.E. 
type containing a nasal sonant, viz., I.E. nsme-. 

(fpaGi (Pindar) iox(pp>jGi is linguistically more correct than 
Attic ippicsi {i imported from other cases) ; h'joi^aci is for 
ovopj/jSi ] {ovo)/xa, {nd)meii, for ;////. 

In the ace. plu. suffix, there was once heard a nasal 
sonant {-vs) — Sk. {nav)as, Gk. {^^1)0-^, L. {7idv)es. 

In Goth. ace. sing. {fot)u, the -it (Gk.-a, L. -em) is for 7/1. 

In IvisFot. (Goth. 7iiii7t, &c.), a represents ;/ ; 7iove77i has 
taken after dece/n, septein. Septi77ius, decimus, &c., are for 
sept77Wios, dek7n77tos. L. -o/isiis, -dsiis seen m for77id7tsus, for- 
77idsus, is for -ouetisso- (-oimt + to), -unt is the weak form of 
suffix -uent (Sk. -vant-, Gk. -fiv--). 



CHAPTER IV. 



Sound Relations in Indo-European — Explosives. 



In this chapter the explosives (labials, dentals, palatals, 
velars) are treated. The following is a table illustrating 
their representation in the languages under consideration: — 



I.E. 


Sk. 


Gk. 


L. 


Goth. 


A.S. O.H.G. 


P 


P 


IT 


P 


f 
b 


f f 
b b 


b 


b 


/3 


b 


P 


P pf,ff,f 

1 

1 


bh 


bh 


'P 


f 
b 


b 


b 


b, p 


t 


t 


T 


t 


th, <1 


ih, d 


cl,t 


d 


d 


5 


d 


t 


t 


z 


dh 


dh 


e 


f 
b 


d 


d 


t 


k 


s(§) 


K 


c 


h,g 


h,g 


h. g>l^ 


g 


J 


y 


g 


k 


c 


cch, ch, 
hh, h 



72 



Manual of Linguistics. 



I.E. 


Sk. 


Gk. 


gh 


h 


X 


k^ 


k, c 


TT, r, K 


g^ 


g. J 


P,S,y 


gh^ 


gh, h 


<P, 0, X 



Goth. 



qu, c 



gu, V, g 



gu, V, g, 
f, b,h 



A.S. 



O.H.G. 



g, k (C) 



Teutonic, with developments 
in O.H.G. as in palatals. 



hw, 



kw 



gw, f, b, 



\g 



(cw), p, k (c) 



w, g 



p : Sk. pdtami ' I fly,' Gk. isro/xai, L. pefo, A.S. /e^er 
' feather,' O.B..G. federa (G./eder) (pet-). 

b : L. labium { = kbium), A.S. lippe, O.H.G. kfs (fs ior ps, 
prim. Germ, lepas — G. lippe is of Niederdeutsch origin, the 
Oberdeutsch form is lefze) (leb-). The a in L. labium is 
probably due to association with lajubo. 

bh: Sk. ndbhis (nobh-), Gk. on,(paX6z, L. itmbo umbilicus 
(ombh-), A.S. nafu 'nave' nafela, O.H.G. naba, nabolo 
(G. nabe, nabel) (nobh-). 

The labials were stops formed between the lips. In 
Teutonic, /(orig./) had a labio-dental position. 

b was the least common of the labials in Indo-European. 

In Sanskrit, the labials remain. Aspirate labials lose their 
aspiration before the initial aspirate of the succeeding 
syllable. This holds good also for Greek (see Grassman's 
Law, Chap. VII.). 

For examples of labials in Sanskrit take ndpdt — ' grand- 
son,' Gk. vi-~ohg ' children ' (d through popular associa- 
tion with -rro^;:, quasi ' qui pedum usu carent '), aMi-^iog 



Sound Relations in Indo-Eztropcan. jt, 

( = -n-rlog), cp. vSk. naptis 'grand-daughter, niece,' L. 
neptis, A.S. and O.H.G. nifi, L. jiepds, Goth, nif]yts ' kins- 
man,' A.S. iie/a * nephew,' O.H.G. nefo (G. fieffe) (nepot-, 
nepot-, nepti-, nep-) ; sabar- 'nectar,' A.S. sap 'juice,' 
O.H.G. saf (G. saft) (sab-, but sap- also occurs, as in L. 
sapid). Wharton brings sapid (pretonic a into e — cp. capio 
{ = cepio) (kuep-), Goth, hafjan 'raise,' A.S. hcbban (/-umlaut 
oi a (orig. o)), O.H.G. hcffen hcven (Cj. heben) (kUop-)) under 
Sep-, and compares A.S. sefan ' understand ' (sep-), and Gk. 
«To? 'juice ' (sop-). 

Resuming examples we have bhumi^ Gk. pJw (Lesb. 
fu/w), 'L.fui (fuvi) fid (Jud), A.S. buan, O.H.G. buaji (bhu-), 
cp. A.S. beon (bheu-) ; bndhtids {bhudnas) ' root,' Gk. tu^/z^v 
{(p-j&'Lriv) ' bottom ' (bhudh-), Gk. ---o'^ha^^ 1^. fundus (bhundh-); 

A.S. botm, O.'R.G. bodam (G. boden){^\x^-); bodhati'' 2:^2^0.%^ 
Gk. 'xsb&o'x.ai, Goth. {ana)biudan 'command,' A.S. beodan 

{E. bid*- command '), O.H.G. biotan (G. bieten) (bheudh-). 
bh sometimes appears in Sanskrit as h — grhuami beside 

older grbhnami ' I seize. ' 

In Greek, the labial tenues and mediae remain, the labial 

mediae aspiratae are changed into tenues aspiratae. After 

the historical period the mediae became voiced spirants, and 

the tenues aspiratae, voiceless spirants. 

Examples of the retention of labials in Greek have 

appeared above. 

Note the following transmutations : — (pf^oZdog 'gone away ' 

{p before />'), for ~pouhoc {■~p6, 6d6c) ; 'i(pohog for s~6dog; o,a,aa 

for O'-aa ; ffxojsw (for ff'Trozscjo) (spok-), cp. ffyAcTTO/j^ai, L. specid, 

O.H.G. spehdn (G. spiiheti) (spek-). 

Gk. ;3v and /S/^ become i^v and fj^i-i. — ji^aoiiai ' woo ' from 

*/3i'a 'wife' (guna-), cp. Boeot. ^cim 'woman' (gunna-) ; 



74 Manual of L i7iguistics. 

afj^vog (for a/Scoj), L. dgnus (ag^nos) ; ffs/xi^&s (for ffifSvog) be- 
longing to (T=/So//,a/ ' reverence ' (tjegu-) — (rfor cff (from //), see 
Chap. III., under /; rpl/x/xa (for r/s7/3/xa). 

An aspirate loses its aspiration when the next syllable 
begins with an aspirate — tu^/ajjv, as above; (366pog (for 
Todpog, by association with (3a6ug), L. /odw, Goth, ^a^/ ' bed,' 
A.S. ^^^ (/-umlaut of a (orig. t") ) ; ■irs-Troida (for <ps(poi6a). 
We meet however with aii,(pi(paKog and aiM(pi-)(sM, perhaps 
because these were felt to consist of two elements. 

^Xf/Sw ' press ' is for ^xf(3co, L. j^Igo (bhligu-) ; zu-rrw' 
' bend,' L. atl^o, is from (kuubh-). 

Tr appears initially in Greek for t — crroX/g, rrToXi/aog, 
dialectic for 'rroXig, ToXs/jbog. Note also 'rrrspva (L. perna)^ 
Tr/ffffw ' winnow ' (L. pinso), implg ' fern ' (Sk. parndm 
'wing, leaf,' A.'i. /earn), Gk. -TrriXiri ' elm,' (L. ////is: ' linden' 
(?)). For ■-ritj) (spin-, cp. L. spud), see Chap. III., under /. 

In Latin, / and b usually remain, bk became ph, and 
through an affricate (i.e. an explosive + related spirant), 
passed into f. Medially M became b — orbus 'bereft,' 
Gk. op(pavog, Goth, arbja 'heir' (prop, 'orphan') arbi 'in- 
heritance,' A.S. yrfe (h) {y or /V = /-umlaut of a) 'inherit- 
ance,' O.H.G. arbeo and crbo 'heir,' aj'bi and crbi 'in- 
heritance ' (G. erbe ' heir ' and ' inheritance ') (orbh-) ; ttbi,. 
Sk. titbhyam. 

Sometimes b appears initially — barba, A.S. beard, O.H.G. 
bart (G. bart). 

bh also appears initially as h — herba, cp. Gk. pj^/3w ' feed.* 

ab (Gk. aro), ob (Gk. It/), stib (Gk. Oto) originally ended 
in tenues, retained in aperio and operib, but took over from 
abduco, &c., the mediae. In such words, the media was 
not always pronounced as written, e.g., obtineo is written 
with b, but pronounced as optineo. 



Sound Relations in Indo-Ettropean. 75 

Note these : — asporto for apsporto, oste?idd for opstendo, 
scwinus for sopmis (cp. sopor), oinnis for opnis (cp. ops), 
damnum for dapnum (cp. ^^/i), scamnum for scabnum 
(cp. scabellum), Saimmim for Sabnium (cp. SabJni), and 
«;//;//> for rtr^^ww (abhn-, cp. Ir. abann, E. Avon), cp. also 
.Sk. dmbhas ' water ' (ambh-). 

Before speaking of the representation of the original 
explosives in Teutonic, it is necessary to put down some- 
thing about the Old High German dialects. 

There are the Upper German, consisting of varieties — 
Alemannic and Bavarian — proper to the highlands of 
Southern Germany, and the Middle German, consisting 
of several varieties of Franconian. 

The Middle German dialects are so called because of 
their position between Upper and Lower German. 

It is sometimes convenient, for the sake of distinctive- 
ness, to use the term Oberdeutsch instead of Upper German. 

In Teutonic,/ shifted to/ and medially, when the vowel 
immediately preceding did not have the principal accent, 
to B (the voiced labial spirant), by what is called Verner's 
Law (see Chap. VII.). This B was everywhere stopped 
into b after nasals ; in Gothic, it also became b after r 
and /, remaining a spirant elsewhere, though this is not 
brought out by the writing. 

This sound remained a spirant in the other West 
Germanic dialects, but in High German passed into b, 
which in Oberdeutsch partially became/. 

/ stood in Anglo-Saxon, initially, for the breath, and 
medially (unless when geminated, or in the groups // fs), 
for the voiced spirant. 

Original b became / in Teutonic. This sound in High 



76 ManiLal of Linguistics. 

German (in Rhenish Franconian only after b and r) passed 
initially, and after consonants, into the affricate // {ph) ; 
between vowels it passed into ff (/). Dialectically, // 
initial, and medial after consonants, hecdiVaQ f {//). 

Original bh in Teutonic became B. In Norse, on the oldest 
runic monuments, the spirant still appeared. When initial, 
this sound in Gothic and West Germanic was stopped into b. 

The b, in Oberdeutsch, passed into /. Medially, the 
voiced spirant from original bh, shared the fate of the voiced 
spirant, got by Verner's Law from original p. 

For examples of original / into f, take Goth, fraihnan, 
A.^.freht ' oxdicXe,' frignan ; L. ffecor (prek-) ; Goth, hlifins 
' thief (E. ( shop)lifter), Gk. xXsot^s, cp. L. clepere. 

For/ into b through B take A.S. eofor (,?(? = z<;-umlaut ; / 
to read as B) 'boar' (E. York {Eoforw'ic) = Boat's Town), 
O.H.G. ebiir (G. eber), L. aper (eprd-) ; Goth. A.S. and 
O.H.G. sibun (sepm), Sk. saptd, Gk. S'Tt-m, L. septem (septm). 

In Gothic this b (B) owing to local causes (finally or 
before s) sometimes appears as f—af ' of ' and abu { = af + 
u (enclit.-interrog. particle)). 

As additional examples of original b, take Goth, hilpan, 
A.S. helpan, O.H.G. helphan and helfan ; Goth, slepan, A.S. 
sla-pan, O.H.G. sldfan (sleb-). 

The following are examples of original bh — Goth, beitan, 
AS. bUa7i, O.H.G. bif^ati (bheid-), cp. L./;/^J(bliid-); Goth. 
ioka 'letter,' A.S. boc bece (/from o by z-amlaut) 'beech,' 
O.H.G. buocha (G. buche), Gk. <pnyk ' oak,' L. fdgus, ' beech ' ; 
A.S. bircebeorce (.?<? = breaking) ' birch,' O.H.G. bircha birihha 
(G. birke) (bherg-), cp. Sk. bhfirjas, L. fraxinus (Jrdgtinus) 
(bhfg-) ; Goth. kalbF) 'cow-calf,' A.S. cealf (/ as B, ea = 
breaking of a (orig. o)), O.H.G. kalba (G. kalb), Sk. 



Sound Relations in Indo-Eziropean. 7 7 

gdrbhas ' embryo,' G. hCKcpoz (for iBo7.(p(,:, h borrowed from 
diX<p-jc), hi}.<p\jg {ahi7.(p(jg = couterltms) (guolbh- and gyelbh-) ; 
A.S. bah-a (E. baulk), O.H.G. i>a//co (G. Imlkefi) (bholg), Gk. 
<pd}.ay^ ' bar, line ' (bhlng-). 

Sometimes, from local causes, the h got from original />/i 
appears in Gothic as f—liufs ' dear,' //ub/s (h) genit, A.S. 
/eo/{E. lief), O.H.G. Hob (G. lieb) (leubh-), cp. L. libet lubet 
(lubh). 

B (orig. p) before / becomes in West Germanic bb. This 
in Oberdeutsch passes into pp — O.H.G. upplg ' ill-natured ' 
(G. iippig ' luxurious '), cp. Goth, iifjb ' superfluity.' 

This also happens with the 15 that is got from original bh 
— Goth.5//ya (B) ' relationship,' A.S. sib sibbe genit., O.H.G. 
sippia sippa, Sk. sabhd- ' assembly.' 

/ (orig. b) before / (r, I, and iv), became // in West 
Germanic — A.S. lippe (L. labium for lebium). 

This // passed into // in High German (not in Rhenish 
Franconian). 

In the combination sp, original / remains in Teutonic — 
Goth, speiivan 'vomit,' cp. L. spud ; A.S. wcesp, L. vespa 
(uosp-). 

For the result of I.E. pn, b/i, and bhn in Teutonic, see 
Chapter on Grimm's Law. 

t : Sk. lajw/ni, Gk. Ti'ivo, L. tendo (ten-), Goth. uf\aiijan 
' stretch out,' A.S. oScnian (e from a (orig. 0) by /-umlaut) 
(ton-), O.H.G. dunni ' thin ' (tnnii). 

d: Sk. svddus, Gr. r^h'oz, L. sudvis, A.S. sivcte, O.H.G. 
suofi (G. silss) (suad-), Goth, suts (sud-). 

dh : Sk. Sdhas ' fireplace,' Gk. aU^, L. aedcs orig. 
'hearth,' A.S. dd 'funeral pile,' dst ' siccatorium ' (E. oast- 
Jwuse) ' kiln for drying hops,' O.H.G. eit (aidh-). 



78 ManiLal of Linguistics. 

The dentals were stops formed by the pressure of the 
front part of the tongue against the upper teeth. Gk. 6 had 
an interdental position. 

There is a class of dentals in Sanskrit (/, (/, dJi) called 
cerebrals, cacuminals, or Unguals, formed by the pressure of 
the turned-up tip of the retracted tongue against the dome 
of the palate. In transcribing our dentals, Hindoos use their 
cerebrals. 

The dentals remain in Sanskrit, subject of course to some 
ordinary assimilative influences, t, for example, changes 
into / (lingual /) after ^7^ (lingual sibilant) — as/itdu (Gk. oxtw); 
d becomes / before j — 7!iaJJ ' dive,' cp. madgus ' water-fowl,' 
L. inergo (medgu-). 

Before dh, d becomes z and then drops, with lengthening 
of preceding vowel — (dehi {azdh becoming cdh) ' give,' 2 sing, 
imperat. (dedzdhl) of ^^- *to give.' 

Naturally then dd/i will give the same result as zd/i. For 
example of latter combination, take Sk. edM ' be,' cp. Gk. 
'Jcdi (see Chapter III., under z). 

For ordinary examples of dentals in Sanskrit, take ^a-, 
Gk. TO, L. {is)tuvi, Goth. ]>a- (as in ]>ata neut. of sa ' this, 
that, the'), A.S. Oa (as in '^V?/ 'that, the') (to-); part, 
suffix -7it, seen m bhdrantajii, Gk. fifovra, "L.ferettte?!!, Goth. 
bairands, A.S. berende, O.H.G. beranti \ sddas, Gk. Ihog, L. 
seded, Goth. stta7i, A.S. sitian {tt=tj), O.H.G. sizze9i{G.sitzen) 
(sed-) ; chid ' cut off,' Gk. ff%/^w, L. scindo (skhuid-, skh^ind-) ; 
h'udhi srutds, Gk. -/Xvdt ■a.7-.-jt6c, L. clued inclutus, A.S. hlud 
'loud,' O.H.G. hlut (klu-), cp. Sk. srdvas 'sound,' Gk. 
■A,'f.i{F)"i, Goth. Jilhima ' hearing,' A.S. /i/eo'Sor, O.H.G. 
hliuimint 'renown' (kleu-), and A.S. hlystan {y = i-\xvc{\3iVi\. 
of cd) (klou-) ; Sk. iiiddJiu ' honey,' Gk. /x;()!j, A.S. nieodu 



Sotind Relations in Indo-European. 79 

■•mead' (eo = tc-xwxAzxsX of e), O.H.G. metu meto (G. vieth) 
(m^dhu). 

In Sanskrit (and Greek) dh becomes d before the initial 
aspirate of the succeeding syllable — Sk. dadhati ' places ' 
(dhadhdti), Gk. rii}r,(rt ; di/i 'smear,' 'L. Jingo figfera (dhigh-), 
Cik. TiTyjjg, Goth, deigafi 'mould' (dheigh-), Gk. roTyj,:, 
Gk. ^(«^^ 'dough,' A.S. dag, O.H.G. teig (G. teig) (dhoigh-). 

In Greek, / and d remain, dh becomes Q. and ^ 
later on developed spirancy. 

Examples of / are : — sVoc, Sk. vatsds ' calf,' L. ve^us 
{vitulus 'calf {ira/.og)), Goth. wi]yr?/s 'lamb' (yearling), 
A.S. wetSer, O.H.G. zvidar (G. widder) (uet-). 

/ medial often becomes s before / unless preceded by s 
— b'lboiai (but sVr/), (pasig (but also by form-association 
(pdrig, rrVji-jGing (but also ahin;)). Compare also ffJ {rvvrj), 
L. tu, cp. Goth. 0/7. 

ri and rti have been alluded to under / and ?/. 

is becomes first ss then s — ■-ossi ■-oel (^-orai) ; tih (i^th) 
becomes sth — oJaOa (Sk. vetthd). 

TsSpi'Trrrov 'four-horse chariot' = rsTpiT'rov, disTroiva = hsTorna, 
s'/zoGi (ueikmti, with for a from numerals in --/.ovra), cp. 
Dor. Fr/-ari. 

As examples of d in Greek, take yjiij.i'(^oj ' neigh,' for 
XpsfJ^ibicj, L. frendo freino, A.S. grim ' cruel,' gremettan 
'roar,' O.H.G. ^--r/w, (ghyrem-), Gk. %/^v^o; ' noise,' Goth. 
gramjaft, A.S. ^rw// (gram) 'fierce,' O.R.G. gram, gramiz- 
zon (ghurom); Gk. o'og- 'mis-,' Sk. dus, Goth, tuz-, O.H.G. 
zur- (G. zer-). 

For 5/ and 5// see Chapter III., under / and u. 

pah(^ ' sprinkle ' is for padvioj, cp. apou ' water ' ; /W/ 
'know' is from uizdhl, Sk. viddhi; bsrlpa 'womb' is for 



8o Manual of L inguistics. 

hoTifo. (' regular before -o, even when no consonant has been 
lost), cp. Sk. uddram, and L. uterus {titero- got from udtero- 
by influence of an titro- coming from udfro-). 

y\-o7Jjg may be an assimilation for o7.u-/.-jc, L. dulcis { = 
dluquis). 

For example of d/i in Oreek take •-i),kp()g (for (pivkpog} 
' father-in-law,' Sk. hdndhus ' a relation,' L. (of)fendix 
' knot,' Goth, bindan, A.S. bindan, O.H.G. bintan (G. binderi) 
(bhendh-). 

^ becomes r before the initial aspirate of the succeeding 
syllable — ■rsvdspog, as above ; rldyi/j^i for dtdri/j.r, Tsd/j.6g 'law,' but 
also dialectically, by form-association, 6sd;j.rjg ; rs^jjr; for ds^ridi. 

The forms (Jti/jl13u ' tread ' and GrsfM<pu/.ov ' pressed olives '* 
indicate a root with unstable consonant, now a media, now 
a media aspirata. 

/ and d usually remain in Latin, d/i after becoming a 
hard aspirate passed through an intermediate affricate into 
the dental spirant. 

Afterwards this was written / initially, and medially, in 
certain surroundings, viz., before and after r (not in r]->u, for 
example — arduus), before /, and after u (u), and perhaps 
after m. 

/ in Latin was a sound of a composite character, with. 
dental as well as labial leanings. 

Medial /was afterwards stopped into b. 

Medially, in other surroundings, the dental spirant, which 
had presumably remained, was stopped into d (Oscan/) 

As example of / in Latin, take utcr (for quotcr {?)), Sk. 
katards, Gk. 'xonpog, Goth. /nva\>ar, A.S. hwce'Ser, O.H.G. 
Jnvedar (kuotero-). 

Before /, / in Latin appears as k, except initially and 



Sound Relations in htdo-EuTOpcan. 8 1 

in the complex si I {{t)hlliis, sflis, also sc/is, {st)locus) — 
{sae)du7n ' race,' Gk. {av)T'f.oc ' bilge-water,' cp. the relation 
between L. vet{ii)lus and L.L. veclus (It. vecchid). It may 
be mentioned that this change of / into k appears in 
Lithuanian and Modern Greek. 

71ie combination ts appears as ss, which after a long syll- 
able, and finally, passes into s — concussi ior concutsl, sudsi for 
sudtsl{-ds-), ferens for ferents. 

it (i^i) appears as j-j- everywhere except before r. 

After a long syllable this passes into s^fessus for feiius, 
vlcensimus for v'lceniHimus. Later // remains — ceiie for 
ce{d)ite, attull for adtidl. 

Note the following transformations :^;^^r^J for petco, i.e., 
pedco {pes pedis), siccus for siicus {siiis), quicquavi for qiiii- 
qicam, i.e., quidqiiam, topper ' speedily ' for ioiper, i.e., iodper 
(iodjCp. (is)tud, Sk. Az^neut.). 

ipse is for ispie {ipse =^ is declined with suffix//^), but after- 
wards took after isie and i//e) ; quartiis is for civarius 
(kutuf-) cp. Sk. caturihds ' fourth ' ; os ossis is for osi-, but has 
taken after as assis ; v'lcHni is for vlcenini (uikmt-) ; penna 
(O.L. pes no) is for petsnd ; scdla is for scansld scantsld 
{scando) ; fastidiuni is for fastitidium {fastiis ' pride ' and 
taediuni) \ disco is for diicscd, i.e., didcsco, cp. Gk. hiba(%)(S%(>} ; 
rhniis for ret/iiiis, Gk. f/^sr/xov. 

d appears as / in Latin, at the beginning and middle of a 
few words.* Initially, the d is followed by a vowel, medially, 
it is flanked by vowels. The interchange is intelligible. 
There is not so much difference between the sounds, d 

* Conway (Brug. Jour. Vol. II., p. 163) makes this out to be a 
characteristic of the Saljine dialect. Liceitza, the modern name of 
Horace's Digeniia, has brought do\vu to us the / of the Sabine name. 

F 



82 Manual of Lingiiz sties. 

being the point-stop-voice, and / the point-side-voice, i.e., 
the stoppage which is complete in the case of ^, is dispensed 
with laterally in the case of /. 

Take as examples — lacrima, older dacruma, Gk. ody.pv, 
Goth, fagr, A.S. fear (by contr. from tahiir), O.H.G. zahar 
(G. zdhre) (dakr-) ; levir ' husband's brother ' (the / due to 
association with vir\ Sk. devdr-, Gk. Sa;;// = daifrip, A.S. 
/dcor, O.H.G. zeihhur (daiudr- daiur-) ; oleo, cp. odor^ Gk. 
ohijj'/j; solium 'seat,' cp. sedeo, Gk. 'ihog; solum 'ground,' cp. 
Gk. fiho: 'way'; mdlus 'mast' for iiiddus, A.S. mcFst (maz- 
dos) ; calamitas, cp. O.L. cadamiias. 

Words in which ^appears as r — arbiter, arcesso, apor = 
apud — are dialectic forms. 

For dl and du refer back to / and ?/, Chap. III. 

ddh {d^dh) passes in Latin to st through zdh and sth — 
custos, cp. Goth, huzd ' treasure ' ; hasta ' spear,' cp. Goth. 
gazds ' goad.' credo, cp. Sk. srdddhd ' believe ' (kred- ' heart,' 
dhe- dho- ' put ') has not undergone this process. 

(//results in ss, and after long syllables, in s—Iassus = 
ladtus, Goth, lasts 'lazy,' A.S. ket 'late,' O.H.G. la'} (G. 
lass) (lad-), cp. Goth, letan 'let,' A.S. hctan, O.H.G. Idf^an 
(G. lassen) (led-), and Goth, lailot (pt. sing.) (lod-); spissus = 
spidtus, Gk. <s~ihrii 'broad' {s.'^idi-) ; frustrd=frudtrd, from 
fraus (bhroud-, see Chap. III., under ou), A.S. breotan 
'break' (bhreud-) ; caesius 'light-blue' for cacdiius, A.S. 
hddor ' clear,' O.H.G. heitar (G. heiter) (kyaidh-). 

Note the following transformations : — sella for sedld, 
Goth, sitls, A.S. setl (E. settle), O.H.G. sef^al (G. sessel 
(sed-) ; rdllum for radium from rddo (rd-, cp. rodo (rod-)) ; 
agger for adger (gero) ; caeme7itum ' hewn-stone ' for 
caedmeiitum from caedo (kuaidh-), cp. Goth, skdidan ' sepa- 



Sottnd Relations in Indo-Eui^opean. 8 3 

rate,' A.S. sc{e)dda/i, O.H.G. sceidan {Vi. sc/ieife/i) (skyaidh-), 
and Cik. ayjQoi. L. schido (skhuind-, skhyid-) ; rdmentiim 
' shavings,' for radincntmn {rddd) ; flaiiicn, {oxflddmen, Goth. 
bldta?i ' worship ' (bhlad-). 

For example oidh (Prim. Ital. \) as /, take fclare ' suck,' 
Gk. ^rfK-oz ' female ' (dhel-), cp. Gk. ^r^tsbai 'suck,' Y..femina 
(dhe-), also Goth, daddjan ' suckle ' (dho-). 

dh appears as b in uber, Sk. udhar-, A.S. uder ' udder,' 
O.H.G. dfar (G. cutcr\ cp. Gk. dlkj,^ \ Jiibed, shortened from 
O.L. joubed, for joiidhed {Jus, jotcs + dhQ- 'put'); glaber 
'smooth,' A.S. gloid (E. glad\ O.H.G. glat 'smooth' (G. 
glatt) (ghT:Jladli-) ; ruber, Sk. ritdhirds, Gk. "sp-j&pog rudhr-), 
L. rdfi/s (roudh-) is a dialect word) ; verbtivi for vorbu/ii, 
Goth. 7vai'ird, A.S. luord, O.H.G. zvort (G. 7vort) (urdh-). 

dk also appears as /' in suffixes — L. bro (Ital./n?), Gk. 
Opo, e.g., cr'ibruin 'sieve,' A.S. hr'ider hr'idel (Jiridder hriddel) 
'riddle,' O.H.G. rltara (G. reiier) (kri-), cp. Goth, hrdins 
'clean,' O.H.G. reini (G. rein) (kroi-) ;— L. bio (Ital. /^), 
^Xo, e.g., stabulum. 

As d, dh is found in fidclia 'pot,' Gk. -/t)oc 'jar' 
(bhidh-) ; in fides ' faith ' (bhidh-), cp. f'ldiis, Gk. cis/^w 
(bheidh-) ; mfodid, Gk. jBijdpo; (for '^oQpog), Goth, badi, A.S. 
bed (/-umlaut of a (orig. o)), O.H.G. beti bejti (G. bett) 
(bhodh-) ; arduus, Sk. urdhvds 'rising,' Gk. hp^og (fdhuos) ; 
viduus (for viduvus vidovus), Gk. v'^joc {r,fi&iF'ii) 'bachelor,' 
Sk. vidhdud 'widow,' Goth, widinvd, A.S. wid{it)ive, O.H.(^.. 
ivituwa (G. zvitiwe) (uidh-, seen also in dlvido, and Gk. ]<sOix,iz 
(=F/t)^/xor)). 

Notice also Oscan Vena/nun ' hunting ground ' ( veiior 
however has c). 

Note these : — monstrunt, for mondtruni (mondh), cp. 



84 Manual of Linguistics. 

Gk. [lakTv Goth, mundofi 'consider' (mndh-) ; mfensus, for 
ififetidtiis {-fendo, Gk. hivoj (for ()sw'w) ' strike ') ; jiissl, for 
jiidhs'i. 

In Teutonic, original / shifted to ]?, and medially, when 
the vowel immediately preceding did not have the principal 
accent, to d (the voiced dental spirant), by what is called 
Verner's Law (see Chap. A^IL). 

This d was everywhere stopped into d after nasals ; in 
Gothic it also became d after r and /, remaining a spirant 
elsewhere, though this is not brought out by the writing. 

The West Germanic dialects changed every other d into 
d ; this ^in Oberdeutsch (also in East Franconian) became t. 

It should be added that ]', with principal accent pre- 
ceding, became '5 (represented by ///, more rarely by dh) in. 
High German, which in the Old High German period passed 
at various dates, beginning c. 750 a.d. in Bavaria, into d. 

In Anglo-Saxon the characters \ and l) were used indif- 
ferently. 

Original d becomes / in Teutonic. This sound in High 
German passed everywhere into c, i.e., the afiricate ts, when 
initial (but not before r), and when post-consonantal (but not 
after s) ; after vowels it passed into f'f(^) (an i-- sound). 

Original dh in Teutonic becomes d. In Norse, on the 
oldest runic monuments, the spirant still appeared. 

When initial, this sound, in Gothic and West Germanic^ 
was stopped into d. 

The d passed into / in Oberdeutsch. 

Medially, the voiced spirant from original dh shared the 
fate of the voiced spirant got by Verner's Law from 
original /. 

For examples of original / in Teutonic take Goth, 



Sound Relations in Indo-Eiwopean. 85 

wair]>an, A.S. 7i'eor'!Sa?i ((y; = breaking of e), (E. wortJi vb.), 
O.H.G. tverdan ((1. ivcrdoi), Sk. vdrtatc 'turns itself 
(uert-), L. verto vorto (uort-) ; O.H.Cl. hadara 'rag ' (G. 
hader) (kyot-), M.H.G. /m^t'/ (from which French /za///;;//), 
L. cetito ' patch-work ' (kyent-). 

ts results in ss and s — O.H.G. wissuii ' they knew ' 
(uitsnt, rt.ueid-) ; Goth, anabusns (for anabutsns) 'com- 
mand,' Gk. Tuf'jrtla/ (bhudh-), from anabiudan ' bid,' Sk. 
hodhdmi ' I awake,' Gk. Tgj^o/a.a/, A.S. beodan (E. bid 
^ order'), O.H.G. biotan (G. bieteii) (bheudh-). 

Original ft results in {i^/) ss, but not before r, and, after a 

long syllable, in s — O.H.G. gnvis{ss) (G. ge^uiss) 'certain,' 

_giwissd adv., Gk. {r/^tamg ' unknown ' (uitHds, rt.iieid-) ; 

A.S. (I's 'food, carrion,' O.H.G. as (G. aas), L. csiis 'an 

eating' (etsto-, rt. ed- ' eat'). 

Before r, a / might give st (through ]">/) — A.S. fostor 
'food,' cp. Goth, fodjan 'feed,' A.'S. foda 'food,' O.H.G. 
fiiotar (G. flitter) (pat-), and Gk. rraT-io/xa/, O.H.G. _/?i/^^;?i''(!! 
' food ' (pat-). 

tk gives j"^ — O.H.G. rase (G. rasch, cp. E. r^zy/^) {ratkuaz), 
said to be from O.H.Ci. r<?^ ' wheel,' L. rota (rot-). 

In jii\>, an / seems to have been generated in High 
German — O.H.G. kmiift 'a coming' (G. -kunft), Goth. 
{ga)kwu}i]>s ' assembly.' 

Other examples of the insertion of /in the combination 
;«]?, are O.H.Cj. finiinift (G. vernunfi ' reason '), from 
O.Yi.^. firnenian (G. vernehmen 'apprehend'), and O.H.G. 
zumft (G. ziDift 'guild,' orig. 'regulation'), from O.H.G. 
zeman (G. ziemen ' beseem ') — both with suffix // (Goth. \i). 

For mf into ;// in the above, compare md into nd (see 
Chap. HI., under m). 



8 6 MantLal of L ingiiistics. 

A similar insertion of s is met with in the case of the 
combination n\ — O.H.G. hinst 'art/ cp. Goth. kun\i 
' knowledge.' 

Original / also appears in Teutonic as d, when the vowel 
immediately preceding does not have the principal accent 
— Q>o\\\.wdds, A.S. wod (E. wood, Sc. wud), cp. A.S. Woden, 
wd'6 'eloquence/ ivo^bora 'orator/ O.H.G. ^inwt (G. 
7vuih), L. zkites (uat-) ; A.S. (V?ied (E. d{rake)), O.H.G. 
aiiud (G. e/iie), antrahho (G. enterich), L. a?ias (anati-), cp. 
Sk. dtis, Gk. i/Jifrffa ((ro'= t/) (ntl) ; Goth, hardiis ' hard/ A.S. 
heard (m = breaking of a), O.H.G. hart, cp. with weak- 
grade vowel, Gk. y.par\j; ; Goih. haidiis ' manner/ A.S. had 
(E. -hood), O.H.G. heit {G.-heit), Sk. keti'is 'form' (kuoitu-); 
A.S. sy?ui (_>' = /-umlaut of ?<;), O.H.G. suntea, sunta (G. 
siinde), Teut. base i-//;//'^ for sundjo (sntia), cp. A.S. so'^ 
' true' (sonto-), and L. sotiticus ' genuine.' 

In Gothic, this d (d) appears as \t, finally, and before 5 — 
taini\s ' tamed,' genit. tainidis (d). 

In West Germanic d^ (d/), orig. //, by gemination resulted 
in dd, which everywhere in High German shifted to // — 
(ioth. \ridja (d), A.S. 'Sridda, O.H.G. dritto (G. dritte), 
cp. Sk. trtfyas, L. tertins. 

t remains when associated with a preceding spirant — 
Goth, ist, O.H.G. ist, A.S. is {t final in an unstressed word 
drops), Gk. 'ion, L. est; Goth, hliftus 'thief (E. {shop)Iifter)y 
Gk. x?.s-Tr>jc ; Goth, ra'ihts 'right,' A.S. reoht (e-^ == breaking 
of d')j O.H.G. reht{G. recht), Gk. (o)/5gxr&,', L. rectus (rektos). 

Note the passage in a few West Germanic (and Norse) 
words of initial ]V (orig. //) mio f^K.'^. fleon 'flee,' O.H.G. 
fliohan (G. fliehen), Goth, \auhan, and compare the change 
(see above) of Prim. Ital. ^r and \l '\n\.o fr fi (L. br hi). 



SozLiid Relations in Indo-Etii'opean. 87 

For examples of original d in Teutonic take Goth. 
tiuhan ' draw,' A.S. teon {teii{h)on), O.H.G. ziohan (G. Ziehen), 
L. duco (O.L. dotted = deuco) (deuk-) ; (zOth. ivitaii 'know,' 
A.S. witan, O.H.G. zviffan (G. wi'ssen), Gk. /6s?/, L. m'dco 
(uid-), cp. FiToo'j (ueid-), and Sk. veda, Gk. FoToa, Goth. 
wdi'f, A.S. jm/ (E. 7t>of), O.H.G. wet'f (G. weiss) (uoid-). 

In Old High German, before initial r, t (orig. d) remains 
— O.H.G. trimva 'fidelity' (G. treice, Fr. freve ' truce ' is 
borrowed from the German), Goth, triggiva, A.S. treow ; it 
also remains after s(z) — O.H.G. asf 'branch,' Goth, as^s, 
Gk. 6^0$, cp. A.S. osf (ozdos) ; A.S. ;//tesf ' mast ' (' fruit of 
oak,' &c.), O.H.G. mas^ (G. masf) (mazdos). 

Teut. / (orig. d) before / gives by gemination U, which in 
High German shifts to zz, but remains before r — Goth. 
/a(/an 'tarry,' /afs 'slothful,' A.S. /effan 'hinder,' O.H.G. 
lezzati (G. letzen) (lad-), cp. Goth, letan, A.S. h'etan ' let, 
O.H.G. Idffan (G. Iasse7i) (led-); O.H.G. hlUttar 'clear' 
(G. lauter), Goth, hlutrs, A.S. hlUtfor, Gk. xXi^w ( = x/,y3/w) 
' wash ' (klud-), cp. cloaca {clovdca) ' sewer ' (klou-). 

The combination ddh (d^dJi) gives in Teutonic the result 
zd — Goth, huzd, &c. (kud^dho-) (see Chapter IH., under z). 

As examples of original dh in Teutonic take Goth. 
btndan, A.S. bindan, O.H.G. bintan, L. offendix ' knot ' 
(bhend-) ; Goth, grids, L. gradus (for grediis) (ghyredh-) ; 
Goth, mizdo, A.S. meord (W.S. mcd, E. meed), O.H.G. 
vieta (^= contraction of iz) mieta, viiata (G. miethe), Gk. 
lucdljc, (mizdhd-, mizdha-). 

Sometimes, from local causes, the d got from original 
dh appears in Gothic as \ — compare rdu\s ' red ' with genit. 
1-diidis (d) (roudh-). 

d (orig. dh) before / gives by gemination dd, which shifts 



8 8 Manual of L ingui sties. 

everywhere in High German to tt — Goth, bidjan ' ask ' (d), 
A.S. Mddau (E. hid 'pray'), O.H.G. bitten (G. bitten), Gk 
■itii&u) (bhidh-, bheidh-). 

For original tn, dn, and d/in in Teutonic, see Chapter on 
Grimm's Law. 

In all European languages the combination of original 
media aspirata + / has the same representation as original 
tenuis + / — (jk. po-irrog, L. absorpsi (srobh-, srbh-) ; A.S. 
weft (A.S. ivefan 'weave,' O.H.G. iveban (G. iveben)) (uebh-), 
cp. Gk. upog ' web,' v^pah^ ' weave ' (ubh-). 

k : Sk. vesds ' tent,' Gk. oZxoc, L. vlais (uoik-), Goth. 
wei/is ' district ' (ueik-). 

g: Sk. Viijas 'quickness' (uog-), Gk. 'oyinz (ug-), L. 
veged { = voged), Goth, zvakjan ' watch,' A.S. tvcccean {e from 
a by /-umlaut), O.H.G. wccchen (G. weclcen) (uog-). 

gh : Sk. vah ' carry ' (uegh-), Gk. oyj,; ' chariot ' (uogh-), 
L. velw, Goth. {ga)wigan 'move,' A.S. wegan, O.H.G. 
wegan (G. (be)wegeii) (uegh-). 

A reference to the preliminary account given of the 
palatals (Chap. H.) will show that k, g, and ^Vz are repre- 
sented in Sanskrit by s, J, and //. 

Take as examples of k, dhnan- ' stone,' Gk. a%(xm 
'anvil';/// 'adorn,' Gk. --or/JXoc, \^. piduni, ViO\X\. fdihs, 
A.S. fall 'variegated,' O.H.G. fih (G. fehe 'Siberian 
squirrel,' 'das Eichhornfell verschiedenfarbig war' Wei- 
gand) (peik-, poik-). 

A root-ending in a velar gives similar words in Teutonic 
— Goth. /f/// 'deception,' A.S. /F// 'hostile,' O.H.G. y?/z 
{Ci.fehde 'feud'), cp. Gk. 'Trixpog ' sharp ' (peiku-, piku-). 



Sound Relations in Indo-EiLropean. 89 

kt appears in Sanskrit as slit — as/if a, Gk. oxt-w, L. octo ; 
<//5y^//j- ' indication,' X.. didio, O.H.G. {in)ziht 'accusation' 
<G. ztcht), cp. Gk. hu^ig (deik-, dik-). 

kth = ksh — rkshas ' bear,' Gk. af/.ro:, L. ursi/s (rkthos). 

ks appears as /cs/i — ddkshinas 'right, clever' ('south,' 
cp. Deccan), Gk. (^s^/oc, L. dexter, Goth, taihswa ' the right- 
hand,' finally as k (but note slidsh, I., sex, Goth, saihs). 

sk = ch {ah) — Sk. prchdmi, L. posed {porcscd, O.H.G. 
Jorscdn {G. forschen) (prksk6), cp. \^. precor, CjO\.\\. fraihnan 
' ask ' (prek-). 

As example of g take jdnas ' people,' Gk. yimz, L. 
^enus (gen-), Goth, kuni, A.S. cynn (j' = /-umlaut of//) (gn-). 

^ is represented by h in ahdiu, Gk. f/w j/wf, L. ^^^(?, 
Goth. /-^, A.S. ic, O.H.G. //z. 

^^ and gdh become respectively (/ and dh, while gbh 
results in dbh. 

For examples oi gh in Sanskrit take /W^/zj' 'arm,' Gk. 'riyroc, 
(Dor. 'rra^vg, for (payjjc), A.S. <5^/% (^^^) 'arm, bough,' 
O.H.G. <^?^c^ (bhaghu-). 

^/z passes to h through y7/, which in certain surroundings 
remains. This j'h appears asy mjuhdva pf. ' he called to,' 
rt. Ml, owing to the operation of the law for the dissimilation 
of aspirates, examples of which in Sanskrit and Greek have 
already been noted. 

The palatals appear in Greek as ■/., 7, ;/. 7 and y^ later on 
became spirants. 

Take as example of k, yJXiih 'hear,' A.S. hlfid 'loud,' 
O.H.G. h/ut (G. laiit), cp. Sk. ir^^A^V ' heard,' Gk. ySk-jrog, 
Tv. inclutiis (klu) ; Gk. x/.ft/w, L. cUno, cl'itellae ' pack-saddle ' 
(klei-), cp. L. cllvus { = c/oivi/s) 'slope,' Goth, hldhv 



90 Manual of Linguistics. 

' sepulchral mound,' A.S. hlceiv, O.H.G. leo (kloi-), cp. also 
Sb. sri 'go to,' Gk. z/./'/xa ' inclination,' A.S. hiinian, O.H.G. 
hlinen (G. Ieh7ieti) (kli-). 

ku appears in 'Ta; ravro; (tt into -), Sk. {sd)svant- 
' complete ' (kunt-) ; ^jot/jo'to; 'priest ' is for ko--po7.Foi {-ku-)r 
L. proms ' suitor ' (prok-). 

For /TTog, see Chap. III., under //. 

For example of /('/, note -affca/.oc (-z/-) ' peg,' L. paciscor 
' agree,' Goth, fagrs ' fit, fair,' A.S. fceger, O.H.G. fagar 
(pak-), and confer under /. 

As examples of g, take ///vwffxw, Sk. jiid, L. (j)gndscd 
(gno-), A.S. cndwan (gne-) (cf. A.S. sdwa7i ' sow ' (se(i)-), Gk. 
'i7iiJji{(riori!J.i), L. semen), L. /;/<^d'«jr ' huge ' (' uncouth ') Goth. 
kun\s 'known,' kunnan 'know,' A.S. cTi^ (compens. length.) 
(E. uncouth, Sc. uncd), ciimian, O.H.G. kund, chimnan (G. 
kotinen) (gn-), L. {l)gndriis (gn-) ; yrooi ' cause to taste,' Goth, 
kiusan 'choose,' A.S. ceosan, O.H.G. kiosan (G. kiesen) 
(geus-), cp. ?>k.jush 'enjoy,' L. gusto ' X^iSie,' A.S. cyssan {y 
= z-umlaut of ti), 'kiss' (gus-), and Goth, kdusjan 'taste' 
(gous-); £>7ov, A.S. weorc {eo = hi&'3^V!\g of e), O.H.G. were 
(G. zverk) (uerg-), cp. Goth, waurkjan, A.S. wyrcean {y = 
/-umlaut of //), O.H.G. wurchen (G. tvirkett) (urg-). 

For gi, confer under /. 

gh is to be seen in the following -.— yj'^v ' snow' (ghiom-), 
L. /ti'ems (gMem-), Sk. /linids (ghim-) ; =%w (ff^^f^w), Sk. sa/i 
' support,' Goth, sigi's ' victory ' (two roots have been fused 
in sx^, viz., ueg/i- and seg/i-) ; %a/xa/ ' on the ground,' 
Goth, giona ' man,' L. /lemd (ghm-), L. humus, homo (ghom-), 
p/( 11)^1/ (ghom-). 

For ghl, see under L 

£X£;i^£/p/a (iyj^, %£/» ' armistice ' illustrates the law of the 
dissimilation of aspirates. 



Soimd Relations in Indo-EtLropcan. 9 1 

In Latin, the palatals appear as c, g, h and.j,''. 

c was pronounced hard, even before e and /', down to the 
]\Iiddle Ages. 

In Umbrian, Ital. k (I.E. k and ku) was assibilated. Com- 
pare with this the change wrought on Latin c in the Romance 
languages. 

Take as examples of k in Latin -.—porcus, A.'ii.fearh ' pig ' 
{Yj. farrotv), 0.\i.i}. farah {G. ferkel dimin. ' sucking pig') ; 
juvencus ' young,' Sk. Juvasds, Goth. Juggs (for juvungas)^ 
A.S. geong, O.Yi.(^. jung (iuunk6-). 

hi appears in caiiis, Sk. svd, gen. hhias, Gk. -/.-jcw^ ■/.■j\6c, 
Goth, hunds, A.S. himd, O.H.G. hunt (G. hund) (kuon-, kun-). 

For Xv see under /'. 

dlgnits is for decnos, cp. dcciis ; g also appears for c, in 
septinge?iti, nofigenti, &c., cp. ducentl. The g, however, is 
by some held to be original in these two words. 

pulcher is dialectic for pulcer, polcer, (plku), cp. placed 
« please ' (ploku) and pldco ' appease (ploku) ; mx7is is for 
gjficttos (gnigu-) ; texo, Sk. taksh 'fashion,' Gk. t'iv-wi ' car- 
penter,' O.H.G. dehsen 'shape' are from (tekth-) ; misceo is 
for micsceo, cp. Gk. fuywiu ; muls'i for iitiiLxl, cp. Sk. mars 
' touch ' (melk-) ; pdstum for pasctum, from pasco ; posed for 
porcscd {pdstitlo =pdscituld) ; sesceni for sexce?itnl. 

As examples of ^s;, take argentuin (fgento-), cp. Gk. apydz 
'white' (rg-), and Goth. tinaU-his 'unholy,' A.S. eorcan 
{stdn) (^<? = breaking of e) 'precious stone,' O.H.G. erchan 
' right, pure ' (erg-). 

exdmen is for exdgmen {ex, dg?nefi) ; pdlus ' stake ' is for 
paxlus (cp. paxillus ' peg ') (pag-s-), cp. pa?igd (pang-) and 
rrrr/v^i-i^i (pag-) ; narrd, ndscor, ndviis, ndscd, &c., have lost ^^. 

gh appears in Latin initially (not before r) and medially 



9 - Manual of L ingtiistics. 

(except after and before nasals, and before /) as //. Initial 
gh before r, or medial gJi followed by /, or with preceding 
or following nasal, is represented by ,<,^. Dialectically, there 
is an /^representation. 

For examples of h take these: — hortus 'garden,' Gk. 
;;^o>T-og ' fodder, feeding-place ' ; hariolus haru{spex, from 
specio) ' diviner, inspector of entrails,' Gk. yo^hr] ' gut ' (ghr-), 
Sk. hira ' gut ' (ghr-) A.S. gearn {ea = breaking of a (orig. o)), 
O.H.G. garn (G. garji) (ghor-) : ///////, Sk. mdhyam ; veho, 
Goth. {ga)wigan 'move,' A.S. wegaji (E. weig/i), O.H.G. 
wegan (G. wegeii) (uegh-). 

Of ^'^ representing ^Vz, the following are examples : — grdmeii 
'grass,' A.?), growan, gretie (<' by /-umlaut) 'green,' O.H.G. 
gruoni (G. griln) (ghra-), cp. Goth, gras ' grass,' A.S. gcers 
(grcBs), O.H.G. gras (ghra-) ; Ihigd ' lick ' (sometimes written 
lingi/d, owing to a reference to /i?igua), A.S. /iccian {licjan) 
(li(u)gh-), cp. Gk. X£/;^w (leigh-) ; magnus (for niegnos), Sk. 
mahdii, Gk. [J^syag, Goth, iniki/s ' much,' A.S. w_;;^^/;///<r^/(the 
y is due to the analogy of fyte/) (E. much), O.H.G. mi/iil 
?;//////// (meg-) ; pinguis {iox pengitis), Gk. Ta;^uc (pnghu-). 

h (orig. gh) disappeared before /, and often when between 
vowels : — major for mahior {magis has appropriated the g 
of magnus); djd for ahu) ; Hen, cp. Sk. pUhdn; Inmus for 
bihinms ; nemo for nehemo ; prendo iox prehendo ; praebed for 
praehibed ; diribed from dis and habed, &c. 

velum 'covering' is for veslum (cp. vestis = vostis, Goth. 
wasjan 'clothe,' A.S. werian (^ = /-umlaut of a (orig. d)) 
(uos-), cp. Gk. En/D/x/ {fi6v~o;h^ (ues-) ) ; velum ' sail,' for 
vexlum (cp. vexillum), from vehd. 

/, representing orig. gh, appears m. fovea 'pit,' Gk. x-"^ 
' hole ' (gheuia), in fariohis for hariolus, and perhaps in 



Sotmd Relations in Indo-European. 93 

fiindo (ghund-), (Ik. yjif)'^'-, (ioth. i^iiitaii, A.S. geota7i 
(E. {i/i)got, O.H.G. gio}an (G. giessen) (gheu(d)-) 

In Teutonic, original k shifted to //, through intermediate 
voiceless spirant x- Initially, h is simply an aspirate (but 
not in Gothic before consonants) ; medially, between vowels, 
this is also the case, but when a consonant follows, or the h is 
final, the sound is that of the guttural spirant (G. ch). 

Medially, when the vowel immediately preceding did not 
have tlie principal accent, k shifted to 3 (the voiced guttural 
spirant), by the operation of what is called Verner's Law. 
This 3 was everywhere stopped into g after nasals ; in 
Gothic, it also became ^j,'- after r and /, remaining a spirant 
elsewhere, though this is not brought out by the writing. 
In the other West German dialects, this sound remained a 
spirant, but in High German it passed into g, which in 
Oberdeutsch partially became k. 

Original g became k in Teutonic. This sound when 
initial, and when post-consonantal (except afters) passed in 
the Upper German dialects into ky, (written cch, c/i, Sec), 
but remained in the Middle German dialects. Between 
vowels it everywhere became % (written ////, //). 

Original g/i became 3 in Teutonic. When initial, this 
sound was ultimately stopped into g. In Norse, on the 
oldest runic monuments, the spirant still appeared ; but in 
Gothic, as was the case with the labial and dental spirants 
(orig. />/i and d/i), it was stopped into the full consonant at 
an early date. In Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon, 5 remained 
down to historic times. 

In Oberdeutsch the ^'- (stopped 5) passed into X- (c). 
Medially, the voice spirant got from original g/i shared 



94 Manual of Li7tg2cistics. 

the fate of the voiced spirant got by Verner's Law from 
original k. 

For examples of k in Teutonic take A.S. hriitg, O.H.G. 
ring, Gk. 7.pr/.og zip-/.og, L. circles (krikos and krinkds) ; 
Goth, hlahjan 'laugh,' A.S. Jdiehhan (/V = /-umlaut of ea = 
palatal umlaut of a before //), O.H.G. hlahhan (G. lachen), 
TiXuGSo) (z>.wx/w), 'L.glddre (klok-) (?) ; A.S. /rf^ (jF = /-umlaut 
of n) 'hide,' O.H.G. hut (G. /mut) (kutf-), cp. Gk. y.hza, 
L. aitis (kut-) ; Goth. {gd)teihan 'announce,' A.S. icon 
(contd. from fihon) 'censure,' O.H.G. zihan (G. zeilien), 
Gk. ouzvx^iJA, L. died {0.1.. deico) (deik-) ; A.S. seax 'knife' 
(orig. made of flint), O.H.G. sahs (G. inesser ' knife ' = 
O.H.G. ineffiras mef^isahs from O.H.Cx. viaf (A.S. mete), 
xdi/zj- ' Speiseschwert '), L. saxtim; A.S. feax (x = /is) 'hair' 
(E. /ax{wax) pax{7vax), {Fair)fax), O.H.G. fahs (pok-), L. 
pecto, Gk. rr'v/M (pek-). 

For an example of the k that under the operation of 
Verner's Law became g in Teutonic, instead of //, take 
GoXh. fagrs 'suitable,' A.'i. fager 'fair,' O.B..G. f agar {G. 
fegen vb. 'purify' (pak-) ; Goth, tigus (3), A.S. -tig, O.H.G. 
-zig (dekm, with suffix accented), cp. Goth. taiJmn, A.S. t'len 
/<? = contraction and ^/-umlaut from teo{Ji)uji, the breaking of 
te]iuri),O.Yi.G. zeiian (G. zeJin), Sk. ddsa, Gk. hsy.a, L. decern 
(ddkm, Avith accent on first syllable). 

The 3 got by operation of Verner's Law by gemination 
became gg before / in West Germanic, which gg became klz 
in Oberdeutsch — A.S. ccg 'edge' {cg=gg), O.H.G. eiiiza (G. 
ecli), L. acies (ak-). 

ii remains in the combination sJi — Goth, slieinan ' shine,' 
A.S. scinan, O.H.G. sc'inan (G. sc/iei/ien) (skei-), cp. with 
weak root, Gk. ay.id, and Sk. c/idyd ' shadow.' 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 95 

To illustrate the representation of ,^in Teutonic, take Goth. 
kniu, A.S. cneo, O.H.G. cJuiiu chneo (G. htie) (gneu-), cp. Gk. 
ynro (gdnu), Sk. jfinit (gonu), L. genu (gnu) ; Goth, kaurn 
'corn,' A.S. corn, O.H.G. chorii (G. korii) (grno-), cp. L. 
grdnum (grno-) ; Goth, brikau, A.S. hrecan, O.H.G. brehheti 
(G. brechen), L. frango ( =frengd) (bhreg-). 

The-^ got from I.E. g, associated with /, gives kk, which 
appears in Oberdeutsch as k^ (written cch and c/i) — see 
typical examples of palatals. 

This gemination also takes place in High German before 
r — acchar, Goth, akrs, Gk. a/po'c, L. ager. 

Original gh is represented in the following : — A.S. gos {p 
by compens. length, for loss of ;/) O.H.G. gaus, Sk. hansds, 
\..dnser iox hdnser, Gk. xh^ yjiwi (%a^ff'>?) (ghans-) ; Goth. 
gaits, A.S. gat, O.H.G. geif (G. geiss), L. haediis (ghafdos) ; 
Goth, gaggs 'way, street,' A.S. gang, O.H.G. gang, Sk. 
janghd ' heel-bone ' (ghenghw-, ghonghy-) ; Cloth, maihstiis 
' dung,' A.S. meox for meoxti^) (^.9 = breaking of /), O.H.G. 
mist for mihst (G. mist) (migh-), cp. L. juingo (mingh-), Sk. 
mihdmi, i sing. pres. ind., L. mcjo for meijid, A.S. mlgan 
(meigh-), Gk. {h)>jAyj'j) (migh-), Goth, ddigs ' dough,' A.S. 
ddg, O.H.G. teic (G. teig), Gk. royyuc ' wall ' (dhoigh-), cp. 
Sk. dehi ' wall,' Gk. Tiryoz, Goth, dcigan ' knead ' (dheigh- 
' smear, knead, form ') L. figiira jingo, Goth. {ga)digis 
' creature ' (dhigh-) ; A.S. /7( = igcl) ' hedgehog,' O.H.G. igii 
(G. igel), Gk. sx^voz (egh-). 

Sometimes, from local causes, the 3 got from orig. gh 
appears in Gothic as %— cp. vigs {yj 'way,' nom., with vigis 

(3), gen. 
g (orig. gA) before i gives by gemination gg, which in 

Oberdeutsch shifts to kk — Goth, /igan (new formation for 



g6 Manual of Linguistics. 

ligjati), A.S. licgan, O.H.Ci. Hkke}i {/ickcn, /iggen) (G. liegefi), 
Gk. Xix^i (legh-). 

For orig. kn, g/i, and ghn in Teutonic, see Chap. VII. 

k(u) : Sk. crtami ' I tie together,' Gk. xuf^ra'/J.fj; ' basket,' 
Goth, hai'irds 'door,' A.S. /y^^'^t'/ (j' = /-umlaut of Zit) ' hurdle,' 
O.H.G. hirt ' plait-work ' (kyrt-), L. cnrfes (kyft-). 

ku : Sk. ca, Gk. t-e, L. (/i/e, Goth. (J^c?//)//, A.S. (iSea)/:, 
O.H.G. {do)/i (o from o, owing to enclisis) (G. doc/i) (k^e-). 

g(y) : Sk. q/as ' strength,' L. aiigeo, Goth, dukan ' increase,' 
«?(t/^ 'also,' A.S, eacen 'increased,' eac (E. eke), O.H G. 
ouhhd?i, ouJi (Ci. aiich) (augU-). 

gu : Sk. j'lvds ' living,' /3/o; (/3 before / is strange, see 
below), L. vlvits, Goth, ktviiis, A.S. (fze/Zr (E. quick), O.H.G. 
guec (G. Zrr/C') (second c ' Zusatz vor dem got. w ' Kluge) 
(guiu-). There is a guttural in vixl (got from related z'/^^(?, 
see American Journal of Philology, xiii. 2., p. 226), so that 
perhaps the guttural is original. 

gh(9) : Gk. G-i'iy^o} 'walk,' L. vesfigiiDu (?), Goth, steigan 
'ascend,' A.S. sfigan, O.H.G. stlgan (G. steigen) (steigh"-). 

The Letto-Slavic cognate does not assibilate, a fact which 
makes for the velar character of this guttural. 

ghu : Sk.,i,''//(i!r;;/</j- ' warmth,' Gk. t)s/^/y,oc, \_,. forinus, A.S. 
wearm (m = breaking of a (orig. 0)), O.H.G. warm (Teut. 
{■jy)iiarmaz) (ghyerm-, ghuorm-). 

The velars appear without any labial modification in 
Sanskrit, and are represented by the guttural characters k, gy. 
gh, except before original e- and z'-vowels, where they are 
represented by the palatals c, j\ and {;h) h. It was after 
this palatalisation that e and e passed into a and a. 



Sound Relations in Inao-European. 97 

What was said about velars at the beginning of Chap. II. 
need not be repeated here. 

For examples of the guttural representation in Sanskrit 
take krtlis 'made,' cp. Gk. xpahcjj 'accomplish,' and L. 
creare (?), ccrus ' creator ' (Festus);,i,'"<7//i', Gk. ,So[/c, L. bos (from 
Oscan dialect, the regular Latin form would begin with v), 
A.S. di, O.H.G. chuo (G. kuh) (gwou-) ; dirghds ' long,' Gk. 
doXi^(k, L. /argus = la/gns, dalgi/s (the r by dissimilation) 
(dlghuds), cp. Goth, tulgus ' firm ' (dlghyos) ; droghds ' per- 
fidy,' A.S. dream, O.H.G. iron in, triogan 'deceive' (G. 
triigen) (dhreughu-, dhroughu-). 

The following are examples of the palatalised velars — 
vacas gen. 'of a word' (nom. vak, I.E. -es stem), L. vox 
(uoku), L. voco (uoku-), Gk. sro; (ueku) ; Sk. jatu 'gum' 
(E. gutta{perchd)), L. bitumen (for b cp. L. bos), A.S. cwidu 
' resin,' O.H.G. chiiti, quiti (G. ^/// 'putty') (guetu-) ; jya 
'bowstring' (g\Jia), cp. Gk. /3/&c 'bow' (guiia) ; hdnti (iox 
jhanti) (ghuenti ' he strikes '), Gk. kho) (~ divlcj), L. offendo 
(?), cp. (pw)^ ' murder.' 

The workings of analogy have often given rise to gutturals, 
instead of palatals, and vice versa. 

The velars without labial modification are represented in 
Greek by x, 7, y^. Take as examples : — y.a.p'xog ' fruit,' 
Sk. krpdnas ' sword ' (kyrp-), L. carpd (kufp-), A.S. hcerfest, 
O.W.Q.herbist{G. herbst) (Teut. har\>) (kuorp-); yM{F)l:, L. 
cidvis (see under dti), cp. O.H.G. siiofan (G. schliessen, G. 
schloss, E, slot^ (Teut. sleut-, from sklent-) ; ■/.li-A.n-J^ ' cuckoo,' 
L. cuddus (kuuku-), cp. Sk. kokas (kUouku-) ; IpriyoiMai 
'vomit,' L. ructo (xQVLg^-), A.S. roccettan, O.H.G. {itd)rucche7i 
'vomit again' (rugu-) (Kluge connects with these M.H.G. 
riiispern (G. rduspcrn * clear the throat '), ' k vor der Ablei- 

G 



98 MaiuLal of Linguistics. 

tung sp st ausfiel ') ; 'iy^aoov ' seized ' (;/avoavw has the nasal 
of the suffix reflected in the root) (ghund-), L. {pre)he7tdo 
(ghuend-), L. praeda (for praehedd), Goth, -gitan 'get,' 
O.H.G. {fir)gif'faii (G. {ver)gessen) (ghyed-). 

With labial modification k'-' appears in Greek as t before 
<?-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, before liquids 
and nasals, and before r, &, g. Before s and / it appears as - 

Examples of - are : — {-oo)a--oc, L. {long)inqui(s ; '/.ii-roj, 
Goth, leihwan 'lend,' A.S.Awz (contraction for //7zrt«), O.H.G. 
lihan (G. leihen) (leiku-), L. linquo (linku-) ; 'h-cif vra-oc 
(a = ii) (iekur-, iekun-), Sk. jjvf/';-/ (iekurt-), 'L.Jecur Jecinoris 
(iekyr-, iekun-) ; -o'/.o; 'axis' (kuol), cp. Sk. char 'move,' 
-sXo) ' go ' ("by analogy) (-s/s/'/.o/zii/wv hia-jruv with reduced 
root), L. co/o ( = qi/elo), inquilinus ' settler ' (k^el-) ; b-pidij.i^v, 
Sk. krl 'buy'; •ts-t-o'c, Sk. paktds, L. cocties { = quectos) 
(k^ek"-, peku-) ; ^spu-^ ' water for hands,' Sk. niktds (nigu-)). 

As example of 5-, take rs, as above among typical examples, 
and Tkiz ' atonement,' Sk. ci ' observe ' (kui-), cp. to/v^j ' fine ' 
(kuoina). 

kv after or before -j (was the 'o generated by the labial 
modification?) appears in Greek as ■/. — /.i/xor, Sk. vrkas, 
L. lupus (dialectic for li/qui/s), Goth, wn/fs, A.S. wulf, 
O.H.G ivo/f (ulkuos), cp. 'i'/.y.'jj ' draw ' (uelk^-) ; zjxXoj 
(xF^JcZ-Xoc), Sk. cakrds, A.S. hweogei, /nveol iJ^QxxX. hivegtvld-) 
(kuekurd-). 

With labial modification, g'-' appears in Greek as /3, before 
^-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, and before liquids 
and nasals. Before s it appears as h. 

Examples of /3 are : — ^^a^'O, ' food ' (guf-), /Si'Spuffzu (gUf-), 
L. vorare (g^or-) ; /3a^ij, Sk. gurus, Goth, kaurus ' heavy ' 
(guru-), L. gravis {=groz'is) (gurou-) ; adho; (nom. ddyjv) 



Sound Relations in hido-Eiiropean. 99 

'gland,' L. ingiien 'groin' (ngU^n-) ; d,avo; ' lamb,' said to 
be for a/3 1-0 ;, cp. L. di:;/iits. 

lj.\aoiJ.ai derives from ^/Si-a ' wife ' (g^na), cp. Boeotian 
^avd ' woman ' (gunna). 

As example of h take Arcad. dspsOpov (also Zipi6pov, so that 
hi- from g'-' must have been something different from ordin- 
ary (5s-), Attic jBapadpov ' pit,' cp. ^opa (3il3poJ(ry.'jj. 

g'-f in the neighbourhood of v appears as 7 — yjvri ( = 
yFivn), Goth, kwino 'woman, wife,' A.S. cwetie, O.H.G. 
quefia (guena), cp. Sk. -jdni- 'wife' {c{.jd/iis 'wife') Goth. 
kzvcfis, A.S. aven (E. quee7i, queaii) (Teut. cwoniz, see under 
e) (gueni-); i7.a-)(yg and k7M(ppog; (i3ou)-/.oXo; and (a/)roAo;. 

Does ■rrpsff!3v: (the /3 due to analogy of --piGiSisroz ; a 
form -rpiffyv: also occurs) contain the masculine of which 
yvvrj is the feminine? 

With labial modification, g/f-' appears in Greek as tp, 
before ti-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, and before 
liquids and nasals. Before s it appears as d. 

Examples of (p are: — (povoc 'murder,' cp. Sk. Mnfi 
' strikes,' as above ; vsppo; ' kidney,' Ital. nefrones nebrun- 
difies, M.E. {kid)neer (A.S. C7vi^ ' womb,' Prov. E. kite) (E. 
kidney), O.H.G. nioro (G. niere) (neghyr-) ; IXappoc 'light,' 
A.S. hingre 'quickly,' O.H.G. liingar ' v^xcV {i^. lungern 
' long after, idle about ') (Inghyrd-), cp. Sk. laghus, Gk. 
s7M-xiic, A.S. /iiiigeii ' lung,' O.H.G. Iiiiiga (G. hinge) 
(InghM-), also Goth, kihfs ' light,' A.S. kohf (J shortened to 
/ before breaking), O.H.G. Ilht (G. leic/if) (Teut. Hhta for 
lifiyja, lenyja) (lenghu-), perhaps also L. levis (leghy-). 

As example of &, take Siivu ' strike,' cp. zwjz. 

Dialectically 6 sometimes appears as f — yEolic prip = &r)p. 

g/f-' in the neighbourhood of -o appears as ■/, — ^^«%''^?) as 



f oo Ma imal of L ingu i sties. 

above ; for khv as % take Iv^t, '''•y^x"^^ Sk. italMs, Goth. 
{ga)naglja/i 'nail,' A.S. ncTgel, O.H.G. nagal (G. nagel) 
(nokhu-), L. 2/?igiiis (onkhu-). 

Some new formations, got by analogy, intermix the various 
representations of the original sounds — /3i/.o; and boXfk 
after Sd'/Xoi and ho^f-bc. 

The velars without labial modification are represented in 
Latin by c, g, h and g. 

Take as examples : L. capio, Goth, hafjan ' heave,' A.S. 
hcbban, O.H.G. heffen (kyap-) (but see Wharton's Etyma 
Latina, where capio is said to be for cepio (kuep-), and k^op 
put down as root of Teutonic forms, and Gk. xw-?; ' handle ' 
instanced as example of another ablaut (kyop-)) ; coxa ' hip,' 
Sk. kdkshas ' armpit,' O.H.Ci. hahsa (G. hechse, hdchse) 'bend 
of the knee ' (kuoks-) ; cano, Goth, hana ' cock,' A.S. hgna 
(JiaJia\ O.H.G. hano (G. hahn) ; urna for iircnd, cp. urceus 
( = vi/ra'us) (urku-); L. ^W« (guel-), Goih. kalds, A.S. ceald 
(m = breaking of a (orig. o)), O.H.G. kalt {gm\-) ; hosfis, 
Croth. gasts, A.S. giest {ie = /-umlaut of ea, the palatal umlaut 
of Teut. a), O.H.G. gast (G. gast) (ghuostis) ; L. grains 
( =^gredus), Goth, grids (ghyredh-). ' 

The different treatment of ku and k'-' in Greek — 'i-7r--og (?), 
Sk. dsvas, L. eqiiits (^kuos), and s}j--ov (elikuon) — proves 
that the velar modification was not a full tt. Compare the 
Umbrian representation of k'J by /, and of ktj by kv. 

With labial modification, k'-' appears in Latin as qu, before 
all vowels, save u, where c appears — qnis, Gk. rig, Sk. kirn 
neut. (with k for c, taking after the masculine kds) (k^i-) cp. 
kds 'who?' Gk. ■-(Wsfoc, Goth, hwas, A.S. hwd^hzvar {a in 
stressed monosyllables, final owing to loss of consonant, is 
lengthened) O.H.Cl. hwaf (G. was) (kuo-). 



Sound Relations in Indo-Etwopean. loi 

que before consonants results in co (cp. so for sue — soror = 
suesor) — coqud = quequd, Gk. tstwi' ' ripe ' (kueku-) ; cold = 
que id, as above. 

The / in linquis ((ik. s?./T=r), and in sequiso, afterwards 
sequere (Gk. v-i{(!)o), proves that the change of que into co did 
not precede the weakening ofd" into /in unaccented syllables. 

quo passes into cii — sequontur into secuntur, quom into 
cum, equos into ecus ; sequuntur, equus, &c. were later forma- 
tions, due to the analogy of sequitur, equl, &c. 

Finally, qu becomes c — nee from neque, ac (for ate) from 
atque. 

Before Prim. L. Ji and consonants kv appears as c — arcu- 
stem of arcus and arqtdtenens ; insectiones ' narrations ' insexit 
and inseque (also insece, imperative ' tell,' cp. Gk. hn-irs for 
heir.i, A.S. secgan (eg for gg, by gemination), from sag/an). In 
jecur jecinoris, this ^ also occurs (see above), and in oculus, 
Gk. offffs (ftjc/s), o/A'-^a {},-,iia) (oku-). Before orig. /, r also 
appears — socius and sequor. 

The enclitic -/^ in nempe, prope, quippe, quispiam, is 
dialectic for ^/^^. 

With labial modification, g'-' appears in Latin as gu after 
fi — tcnguo (and nugo), O.H.G. ajuho (G. anke 'butter'); 
initially, before vowels (except ?/), and medially, between 
vowels, as v — venio, Gk. /Sa/vw (for ^aiMu) (gum-), Goth. 
kiviman, A.S. cuman ( = aviman, O.H.G. queman {chweman) 
(G. kommen, bequevi ' convenient ') (gyem-) ; vivus, as above 
among typical examples ; vescor ( = voscor), Gk. /SoVxw * feed,' 
(guosko) ; veto ( = voto) is quoted by Wharton as belonging to 
a root gyot-, with which stands in ablaut-relation Goth. 
kwi\an, A.S. ave'^an (guet-) ; nudus ( = no{g)uedos), Goth. 
nakwcC^s, A.S. nacod, O.H.G. nacchut, nahhut{G. nackt) (the 
double sound represents O.H.G. transmutation of West Ger- 



102 Marmal of L inguistics. 

manic gemmation kk, a result that was produced when k 
(from orig. g) was followed by / (and r, I, w)) (nogyoto-). 
bos is a loan-word from an Oscan dialect ; the Latin form 
would be vos. 

This V drops after u^luo^fliigvo (bhlugU-), but fluvius 
{vi= zji) ; fruor i^=fruor,frugvor),fruxfrugis, Goth, bruks 
' useful,' A.S. brucan (E. brook) ' enjoy,' O.H.G. bruhhan (G. 
braiicheu) (bbrugu-). 

Before z^ and a consonant, labialisable g'-^ appears as g — 
gula 'throat' (gull- ?), A.S. ceole (d?(^ = 6>-umlaut of e), O.H.G. 
chela (G. kehle) (gUel-) ; migro, Gk. a/xs/'/Sw (meigu-) ; glCuis 
(guj-), cp. (idy.avog (gUl-). 

fibula ' buckle ' =fiivibula, homfivo, form offigo found in 
Cato (A.S. fi/ele is borrowed) (dhigu-), niior = gnivitor 
(gnigy) ; runeo is ioxuvimec\ cp. u{£)vidus, Gk. 'oypig (ugu-). 

With labial modification, ghv appears in Latin as gn after 
71 — anguis 'snake' (nghuf-), A.S. yce (j' = /-umlaut of 
lengthened ii), O.H.G. unc (G. unke) (nghu-), cp. (?) angicilla 
' eel,' and Gk. sy^sXv; (engh^-) ; as v between vowels — 
iiiveni, ' snow ' (cp. Jiitigidt), Gk. w'^a ace. sing. fem. 
(sni(n)ghu), Goth, sndhvs, A.S. sndw (snd), O.H.G. snco (G. 
schnee) (Teut. snaiycva-) (snoighu-) ; brevis ' short ' (mreghy-) 
sometimes ranked with jBpayJjg, Goth, gamanrgjan ' shorten, 
A.S. myrge (_y = /-umlaut of li) ' pleasant ' (for induced mean- 
ing c]). pastime), O.H.G. vmrgfdri 'transitory' (mrghy-) ■ 
levis, see above. 

Initially, and medially, before r, gh'-' appears as / 
(medially also as b)—frid 'rub,' Gk. x^'f'Ji ' anoint ' (ghur!-), 
fremo 'roar,' Gk. yjiiu'Qj} 'neigh,' A.S. griiinit 'fierce,' 
O.H.G. grimmi (G. grimni) (ghyrem-), i\o\\\.gramjan ' make 
angry ' (ghyrom-). 



Sound Relations in Indo-European. 103 

These only show traces of labialisation in Latin. Perhaps 
y"is dialectic for ^. 

Wharton under this head quotes flavus (ghuluos), cp. 
X^-c^pog, with different suffix, and fiilvus (ghyluos), gilviis 
{gilbus) helvi/s, A.S. geoiu (ghueluos). 

Nehrimdities and nefrojies have been referred to above. 

The velars /C'('-'), ^('-'), ^/?('') without labial modification 
are represented in Teutonic by h (and g, by operation of 
Verner's Law), k and g. 

All that has been said under palatals about the represent- 
ation of gutturals applies to velars. The labial modifica- 
tion, when active, of course sometimes asserts itself, or, it 
may be, only colours the result. 

As examples of non-labialisable hard velars take these : — 
A.S. heaivan 'hew,' O.H.G. hoinvan (G. haiten), L. cFiido) 
'strike' (kuou-); Goth, weihan 'fight,' A.S. w'lgend 'war- 
rior' (E. wight 'nimble'), O.H.G. iv'igant (G. weiga?id 
'warrior') (ueik9-) ; Goth. ?iahfs, A.S. neahi «//z/(/= palatal 
umlaut oiea, the breaking of m (orig. 0)), O.H.G. naht, Sk. 
ndktis, Gk. vj^, L. nox (nok^t-). 

k'-\ associated with s^ remains as k : — Goth. {its)-skaws 
'prudent,' A.S. sceawian 'behold' (E. s/iozv), O.H.G. 
scouwon (G. schmien), Gk. [&vri)G-/.o(F)rj; 'priest' (sk^ou-), Gk. 
yji{F)iM ' perceive,' (a)xo-jw, L. caved (k^ou-). 

For gv and gh'-^ without labial modification take Goth. 
kalds, L. gelu, as above; A.S. gealla 'gall,' O.H.G. galla 
(G. galle), Gk. yjrf.og (ghuol), L. /'/ (ghyel-) ; Goth, \ragjan 
'run ' (Norse \rcEll, E. thrall), O.H.G. drigil 'servant,' Gk. 
■rf£;)(^w (threghy-, throghu ). 

With labial modification, k'-' appears in Teutonic as hw 
hC') (^'^d S'^'^' (3")' t)y operation of Verner's Law). 



1 04 Manual of L ingu is tics. 

gtv before u lost its labial modification, in other surround- 
ings it became 21 or 7v. 

Examples are : — A.S. Imwsta ' cough ' {ico\c\\{kink)-}iost\ 
O.H.G. h{iv)uosto (G. Jmsten), Sk. kasate 'he coughs'; 
Goth, leihwa?! 'lend,' L. linquo, see above; Goth, saihwan 
'see,' A.S. seon (^(9 = contraction oi eko), O.H.G. sehan (G. 
sehen), Gk. Iro'Mai, L. sequor (sek"-); Goth, ahzva ' water,' A.S. 
ea {cBhwu) (E. i{s)/and), O.H.G. aha (G. aue ' wasserreiches 
Wiesenland '), L. aqua, (aky-) ; A.S. scegoii {sdwon is a new 
formation) 'we saw,' i plu. pret. (Teut. sr^{i()u7ni) ; Goth. 
stuns ' sight ' (Teut. se{'^^)imis) ; Goth, tava ' arrangement ' 
(Teut. fc{-^iid), A.S. {ge)teo9i (eo^eho) 'arrange,' O.H.G. 
{gi)zehdn (G. zeche ' share '), Gk. bsT^-rrvov ( = oi--\im) (deku-). 

There is a new affiliation for Goth, saihwan, viz., to a root 
j^>$^'- 'sehen lassen, zeigen = sagen ' seen in Gk. 'ivn-i 
(svss'-s), L. I'nseque, inquani {insquain), cp. for meaning dicere 
and osiTivuvcci (Brug. Jour., vol. i., p. 258). 

The g, got by operation of Verner's Law, became gg 
before / in West Germanic. This in High German became 
kk (see example under palatals, and cf. O.H.G. wulpa, 
quoted a little below). 

hw in Old High German when initial commonly passed 
into w — O.H.G. hwer, wer ' who ' ; when medial, the w was 
lost, as in the combinations kw and gw. 
■ hzv before / gives ht — A.S. si/if ' sight ' (/= /-umlaut of eo, 
but compare the M.E. eo into / before front //(/), O.H.G. 
sihi{G. sicht) (cp. ioxi,fihu ' cattle,' Y.. peats), Goth, sa'ihwan, 
see above, hw also appears as /—Goth, wulfs, i<zc., Gk. 
Xvxog (p. 98); A.S. /^^/'ewr(tv = contraction for egw), O.H.G. 
fior (G. vier) (kyekUr-), by assimilation from kuetur-(-dr-), 
which gives Gk. r'sTrufsg ( = xFsTFapsg), L. quathwr, Sk. 
caivaras, Goih. Jidwor ; Goih. finif {{ox Jinhzv, second/due 



Sound Relations in l7ido-Enrop€an. 105 

to assimilation). A.S.///" (J by compensatory lengthening), 
O.Yl.i}. fin/ifiinf) {Cj.fiinf), 'Sk. pdnca, Gk. Tsi-rs, L. gu'itique 
= quhique {(ju by analogy of quattuor, or by assimilation to 
following qu, the vowel being lengthened before combination 
nqii) (pdnkye). 

gw must also have appeared as b (ti) (changed into/ in 
Old High German)— O.H.G. wulpa 'she-wolf (G. wolfn) 
(Teut. iiulhf, gen. uulhifis; originally iiul-i,ic{ds) — in Old High 
German, // before / was simplified into / after / — Sk. vrki 
(ulkui). 

If (ioth. ail go 'eye,' A.S. cage, O.H.G. ouga (G. auge) are 
to rank with ociilus (oku ), there must have been contamina- 
tion between two stems, viz., a},{u) followed by ?/, and a{^ii- 
not so followed, resulting in the combination aiiiy. 

With labial modification g'i appears in Teutonic as kw — 
Goth. {asilu)kwairtius ' mill-stone,' A.S. czveorti (E. quern), 
O.H.G. chwirna, qtiirn (gyern-). /'z<:/ before u loses its labial 
modification — A.S. cumen 'come' p.p., O.H.G. koman 
(Teut. k{ti)u}nana-) ; Goth, kaums, Sk. gtirus, Gk. ^aphg 
(guni-), see above. 

g'-' also appears in Teutonic as / (dissimilation caused by 
u in preceding or following syllable) — Goth, wairpan 
' throw,' A.S. tveorpan (^(? = breaking of f), O.H.G. werfan 
(G. werfen') (uergU-). 

Kluge says that O.H.G. pfiegan (G. pflcgeii) 'care for' 
may be connected with iSxIipapov 'eyelid,' jSXs-ru 'see' 
(guleghu- (?)). 

The k got from I.E. g'-' associated with /, gives result kk, 
which appears in High German as cc/i and c/i — see typical 
examples of palatals (see also O.H.G. fiacchut, quoted as 
cognate under orig. gv in Latin). 

With labial modification gh'-' appears in Teutonic as g 



1 06 Manual of L inguistics. 

before 71, elsewhere as w (from 3(//), and (3);^) — A.S. hnigon 
'we bowed,' O.H.G. nigim (G. neigen) (^q.\x\.. yjiii{u)mi) ; 
A.S. wearm, see above among typical examples. 

After a nasal, gh'-' is represented by giv — Goth, siggwan 
' sing ' (senghu- (?)). 

hw (orig. gh'i) before / gives ht — Goth, kihts ' light,' Gk. 
sKw/hg, see above. 

Sometimes, from local causes, the 3, got from orig. gh'-' 
appears in Gothic as ;/ — g^^ggs (%) ' way ' nom., gagg {3) 
ace, A.S. gang, O.H.G. gang, Sk. jangha 'heel-bone' 
(ghenghu-) (non labialisable velar). 

g (orig. gh'-i) before /, gives by gemination gg, which in 
High German shifts to kk — Goth. lagjan ' cause to lie,' A.S. 
/ecgan (cg=gg), O.H.G. /ecken (G. kgen) (leghu-) (non- 
labialisable velar). 

The labial after-sound in Teutonic seems to have been a 
full ?/, since k'-' and k/j have the same representation — Goth. 
Ieihwa7i 'lend,' L. linqiio (leiky-), and Goth, aihiva- 'horse,' 
L. equus, Sk. dsvas (ekuo-). 

For orig. k'-'n, g'~'n, and gh'-'n in Teutonic, see Chapter on 
Grimm's Law. 

There is little doubt that tenues aspiratae existed in the 
parent-speech. These may be supposed to have survived, 
where the Asiatic and European languages exhibit evidence 
in common — the suffix of the 2 sing, perf ind., Sk. vettha, 
Gk. dls^a (-tha) ; Sk. skhdlaml ' I stumble ' (skhuel-), cp. 
Gk. ff^a/./.w (ffpZ/cc) ; Gk. syJQoi, L. scindo (skhui(n)d-) ; Sk . 
sankhds ' shell,' Cik. y.oyxri ' mussel,' L. co?igiiis ' quart ' 
(konkhu-); Sk. nakhds,Qk. (o)Kjg(nokhy-),L. unguis (onkhv-); 
Gk. r^-yi^jj 'run,' Goth. ]^ragjan (threghu , throghu-) ; L. 
habet, Goth. hal>di\>, A.S. hafa^, O.H.G. halvt (khabh-). 

See also on Moulton's Law in Chapter VH. 



CHAPTER V. 
Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. Analogy. 

By way of finishing what has been said on sound-relations 
in Indo-European, it will be proper to gather together 
examples, and, where necessary, give definitions of certain 
sound-processes, many of which have been already exem- 
plified in the preceding chapters. 

These will be arranged under the heads of vocalic 
affections and consonantal affections, each set being further 
considered under the sub-heads of (i) Change (2) Increase 
(3) Loss, ^'ocalic affections first. 

CHANGE. 

Vowel Assimilation may be regressive or progressive. 
Convenient examples of the influence of a following vowel 
on a preceding one are to be seen in the Latin redupli- 
cated perfects didid, momordl (O.L. viemordT), pupugi (O.L. 
pepiigi). 

Progressive assimilation is seen in elephdntus ekm'entum, 
for eliphantus elimentuin. Note also seinel for semul. 

Assimilation between vowels often occurs when / inter- 
venes. This has been called the ' balancing power of l' 
Notice Sicilia and Siculus, Procilius and Proculus. 

The assimilative force exerted by consonants on vowels 
is sufficiently noticed under each vowel in Chapter II. 



1 o8 Alanual of L inguistics. 

Vowel Assimilation is quite a prominent feature in 
Teutonic. 

Umlaut is a variety of regressive assimilation. The 
change is brought about by the action of the /, u, or «; of a 
following syllable, on the preceding vowel. The causal 
vowel has not always survived. 

With regard to the /-umlaut the proximate agent in the 
change would seem to have been the following fronted 
consonants. These consonants, which themselves owed 
their fronting to a following front-vowel, fronted the pre- 
ceding back-vowels. The fronting of the consonant has 
not always remained. It however may still be heard in 
bridge, A.S. brycg. In this word the fronted g — eg is a way 
of writing gg (from gj), the gemination of g — caused the 
umlaut. 

There is no umlaut in Gothic. 

{a) /-umlaut is the most original and the most important. 
It effects the following changes : — 

a (a) e u y 

o '° e,y eoj ^° '^ ('' >') 

o e ea I - /- -\ 

u y eo/ ^^^''y) 

Prior to the appearance of /-umlaut, the short a in Anglo- 
Saxon had undergone its changes to ce and o. 
Examples are : — 

(Goth, harjis) here brucan biyc(N(3sing. pres.) 

(Goth, brukji})) 
hal hiTlan (Goth, hailjan) eald ieldra (comp.) 

dohtor^ to dehter (dat.)l to . „, . 

gold i gj^lden I ^veorpan wierpS(3sing.pres.) 

tlom deman heah hiehra (comp.) 

burg byrig(gen. and dat.) ceosan ciestV (3 sing. pres. ) 

(b) n- and 6»-umlaut effect the following changes : — a, e, 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 109 

/, into ea, eo, io. Examples are cearii (poet.), 2i>eorold, siol- 
fur (doth, silubr). 

This umlaut is common in Norse but somewhat infrequent 
in West Saxon. 

{c) The change of / to e, and u to o, caused by a follow- 
ing a or o, is sometimes called a-umlaut. P^xamples are : — 
A.S. wer, L. vir^ I.E. niros ; A.S. nest, O.H.G. ?icst, L. 
nidus, I.E. fitzdos; AS.dohtor, O.H.G. tohter, Goth, dauhtar 
(dhughu); A.S. hard 'treasure,' O.H.G. hort, Goth, huzd^ 
I.E. kudh-dho-. 

{d) Palatal umlaut is the name given to a change wrought 
on the eo and io that have sprung from the breaking of e 
before an originally guttural h + consonant. The eo and io 
change to ie (/, y). Sometimes ea and ea are in this way 
converted into e and e before h, x, g, and c. Examples are 
reo/it and ?'//// (rie/i^), seox and siex (x = /is), eage and ege 
' eye,' ceac and ccc ' cheek.' 

In Modern German, the vowels a, 0, u, when subjected 
to umlaut, appear as ii (e), 0, ii. au appears as du {en). The 
/ that caused the umlaut is seen in the O.H.G. forms. 
Examples are: — kraft, krdfte (O.H.G. krafti) ; alt, alter 
(O.H.G. eltir) ; kalb, kdlber (O.H.G. kelbir), the -ir (Gk. -s-) 
orig. belonging to sing, as well as plu. being utilised as a 
l)lu. suffix ; niochte, mochte subj. (O.H.G. mohta and mohti) ; 
fiihr, fiihre subj. {Q.Yi.G. fuor, fiiori) ; trauin, trdumt^ho. 
dreams' (O.H.G. troumit); haus, hduser (O.H.G. husir). 
The umlauts of a and au are written e and en when no 
connection has to be indicated with forms in a and au. 

Riickumlaut, as applied to the alternation of sound in 
brenfien (O.H.G. brannian), brannte (O.H.G. branta), is a 
misnomer. The a of the preterite is the original vowel, it 
is the e that is secondary (umlauted from a). 



1 1 o Manual of L mgtt i sties. 

Another alternation of vowels (e and /) seen in German 
is due to the influence of following vowels. This is called 
Brechung in the grammars. Take as examples these : — 
erde, irden (O.H.G. erda, irdhi) ; herde, ki'rfe {O.H.G. herta, 
hirti). e is original and remained when a followed, but 
when / followed, it passed to /. 

A similar alternation (ji and o) is seen in these : — wir 
wiirden, geworde?i (O.H.G. tvurdun, gazvordan) ; fiir, vor 
{0. Yi.G. furi,fora). u (changed to // in Old High German 
when followed by /) is original, and remained when / and ii 
followed, but when a followed, it passed to o. The diph- 
thong ill also passed to io (now ie) in similar circumstances 
• — G. ivirfiiegen, M.H.G. fliegen, O.H.G. fliogati, ie has by 
analogy been driven right through the tense. In earlier 
German eii appeared in some persons (O.H.G. in). 

Breaking is the name given in Anglo-Saxon to a change 
wrought on a preceding vowel by r + consonant, / + 
consonant, h + consonant {x = /is), or h at the end of a 
syllable. a in these conditions breaks into ea, e into eo io, 
i into io eo. Probably this parasiting is caused by the 
difficulty in bridging the vocalic space between consonants 
in different positions. Examples are : — 

Goth, arms A.S. earm O.H.G. elaho A.S. eolh 

Goth, stairra A.S. steorra Goth. ahtau A.S. eahta 

Goth, fallan A.S. feallan O.H.G. fehtan A.S. feohtan 

The eo io got from broken / always appears umlauted to ie. 

Something like breaking is heard in the American cear 
for car. 

In Gothic before //, htv, and r, i (representing old e and /) 
was broken to e (written ai). In the same circumstances u 
(representing old o and //) was broken to o (written au). 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 1 

This a'l and an are to be distinguished from the real 
diphthongs di and du. 

The palatal semi-vowel j, and palatal c, j^, and sir, when 

initial, produce a similar result, ja and jVe becoming gea ; 

jo andyV/, geo and gio ; while c, g, and sc, change t^, c<?, e, into 

M, ea, ie. Sievers places these changes under the head of 

palatal influence. 

Influence of w. This is the name given to the Anglo- 
Saxon change of wio (got from wi by breaking, or due to u- 
and <?-umlaut) into wu — A.S. wuht {zviht, uht) 'thing,' O.H.G. 
wiht \ A.S. wudu ' wood ' {iviodu, widic), O.H.d. ivitii ; A.S. 
sivurd {siveord, weo usually remains), O.H.G. szvert. The 
influence of w is seen at work in the generation of a u in the 
combinations aiv, ew, and hv. The resultant ainci, einv, 
hiw passed regularly into caiv, eow, low (nearly always um- 
lauted into 'leiv (Jtv). — A.S. feawe ' few,' Goth, faivdi; A.S. 
cneo 'knee,' gen. cncotves, O.H.G. chneo., gen. chnewes, A.S. 
n'leive nlwe, (joth. niiijis. 

Palatal Influence. See above under Breaking. 

Influence of nasals. Teutonic a often appears as (open) 
o in Anglo-Saxon, <7-forms however occurring side by side — 
A.S. nignn {ina?in), O.H.G. mann. This o is lengthened 
when n drops — A.S. ^cv ' goose,' O.H.G. ga)is. So J for 
Teutonic an-)(^ — K.^. fon * catch,' O.H.G. fd/ian, Teut. stem 
fan-^-. Compare also A.S. o representing Teut. fe, I.E. t", 
before nasals — A.S. niona ' moon,' Goth, nicna, O.H.G. 
mono, Gk. iJ^h'^'n. 

Shortening of Long Vowels (not final). In Greek, this 
takes place before u, /, nasal, liquid + explosive or spirant 
— ZsL/g, Sk. dydiis ' sky' ; /SoDc, Sk. gdus ; 'h-zoig, Sk. dsvdis ; 
aivT-, part of a?j/x/, for aFnvT-; 'i'Liyiv, 3 plu. aor. pass., for 



1 1 2 Manual of Linguistics. 

i/j,r/yivT ; gropv5>/.i, cp. gTpuvvu/Mi. Long vowels are also 
shortened before vowels— eswv ' of ships,' for vr,(F)ojv. Com- 
pare the so-called transference of quantities in iOTiMng for 
iaryiFong, 'fTT-TTsug and /-X'Tsa for 'i-Tr-rjFog and /r-jjFa. Com- 
pare also sdjpuv and idyriv for rfopuv and rfdyrtv. 

In Latin this takes place before /, ti, nasal, liquid + 
explosive or spirant — o/oes ill'is from -oij ; naufragus (Sk. 
ndi'is) ; claudo from clauido (Gk. yXnif)h ; gaudeo, cp. 
gdvlsus, Cik. yjj^sw for ydfi&iM) ■ vetitus {ijentos), cp. Gk. 
asvr- ; <?;-^ arfis (ftl-). Long vowels are also shortened before 
vowels — tied ' spin ' for ne{l)d ; re'i for re'i. 

In final syllables also (before /, j/i, r, I), long vowels were 
largely shortened in Latin — aw^/and af?ies, equam, Sk, dsvdm, 
clamor and ciamoris, animal and atiimdlis. A comparison of 
Juppiter (voc. used as nom.) and ZsO ■Tars/' (cuppa a.nd ciipa, 
littera and /J/<?n?) brings out a shortening of quantity in the 
former. The quantity stolen from the vowel was distributed 
over the time of the consonant's utterance, as is argued by 
the gemination. The doubling is not always met with, for, 
in addition to the persistence of the old form, it is probable 
that this gemination had not the same pronunciation as a 
genuine doubled consonant. Compare the different forms 
of Mod. Germ, mutter and O.H.G. muoter. 

Shortening seems to have taken place in Teutonic before 
71 4- explosive or spirant — Goth, zvinds, A.S. wind, O.H.G. 
tvint, Gk. a{F)n!ii, cp. as'vr-, L. veutus. It also occurs in 
Anglo-Saxon in unstressed syllables — sealfian ' anoint,' Goth. 
salbon, O.H.G. salbon (but M.H.G. salben) ; in unstressed 
components of compound words — woroldlic, cp. gellc with 
accent on second syWahle, frcetezve ' adornment,' tdwe 'equip- 
ment Goth. t(;7va ' arrangement' ; in words where gemina- 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 3 

tion occurs before r — hluttor ' clear ' = hlFitor, ceddre ' vein ' 
= (fdre, also in combinations where the vowel had been 
lengthened by compensation for lost n—fraco'5 ' infamous,' 
(or /rar/}^, cp. Goth. h/n]^s 'known,' O.H.G. amd. 

Lengthening of Short Vowels. In Greek, compensatory 
lengthening is frequent enough— x-£/i/w(xt-si'/w) by compens. 
for xrivvu, (pOs!pu{f>Oif'lcj) by compens. for (pCsppoj, Ion. yoOva 
(yovFa) ' knees,' by compens. for ylum (Attic yovara, in Attic 
F was elided without compensatory lengthening), Hom. ouXog 
from oXFo; (Attic oXog), rove for rovg, sZ/x/ (Is/jbi) by compens. 
for £/x,a/. The si and the o-j of compensation are not real 
■diphthongs. 

In Latin, all vowels are long before the combinations f/s, 
/ff, gn, gill. Compensatory lengthening also occurs — eqtios 
for equons, aeiii/s for aesnos, nidus for iiizdos, &c. 

In Teutonic, compensatory lengthening is met with 
before ?/;^— Goth. ]->dhta 'thought,' A.S. ^ohte, O.H.G. 
ihdhta, O.L. tonged ' I know.' See above, under Influence of 
Nasals. Notice also O.H.G. mcia (also mcfit (G. miethe)) 
'meed' (t' = /, with compensatory lengthening), A.S. med, 
Goth, inizdo ' pay,' Gk. iJ.i(sD!,i. 

In Anglo-Saxon, monosyllabic words {ac ' but,' ^//' if,' ic 
' I,' /v/ ' better,' &c.) ending in a single consonant are some- 
times lengthened. Vowels are also in this language some- 
times found long before the combinations of nasal + con- 
sonant, r 4- consonant, / + consonant. 

GROWTH. 

Anaptyxis. This is a name given to vowel-generation. 
When initial it is called Prothesis. Examples in Greek are — 
spudpog, L. ruber; l}.a(pplg, O.H.G. lungar ; Hom. 'i{F)ipar, 

H 



1 1 4 Manual of L inguistics. 

'dew' beside ipavi spar}, Sk. varshds 'rain'; Horn. l{f)%iM<sr 
beside Fuxoci ; oiJjJy^iu, L. mingo. From these examples it 
will be seen that prothesis occurs in Greek before liquids, 
F (in Ionic), and nasals. Notice also Ipmij^ai and piio;j,a.i, 
blMopyvxJiMi and HiopyrjiLi, with and without the prothetic vowel. 

A vowel is generated in Latin before liquids and nasals^ 
and usually takes its colouring from the vowel of the succeed- 
ing syllable — poculum from poclum, singulus from semclus, cp, 
semel, simplex. Loan words exhibit anaptyxis— 7>^2^;«£fi'« 
(Tsx/T-jjCtfa), mina {i-i-vd), drachuma {ppayjj.ri). 

In Teutonic, Goth. nii'Iuks, A.S. meoloc, O.H.G. miluk 
(Gk. {a)!ii'ky(ji) (melg-), cp. L. imilgeo (mlg-), seem to exhibit 
anaptyxis. Other examples (in West Germanic) are A.S. 
her{i)ge 'to the army,' O.H.G. herige (between r and /), cp. 
Goth, harjd); O.H.G. zesazver, zesewer 'dexter' (between 
cons, and if), cp. Goth, taihswa (Gk. hi^iiz, Sk. ddkshiij,a^ 
'right, south'); O.H.G. wahsamo 'growth' (between cons, 
and nasal), beside wahsmo, zvahsan (G. wachsen ' grow '), 
Goth, wahsjan, A.S. weaxan (ueks-), Gk. ai^as/w (uks-). 

Epenthesis. This is an accompaniment of the Palatalisa- 
tion and the Labialisation of consonants, effects that are 
produced by a post-consonantal / or u. The palatalisation 
and labialisation echo back into, and finally become wholly 
located in, the preceding syllable, converting any vowel 
other than / or u into an /- or //- diphthong — pa«w for 
<pavic>} ; s^oci(pvi^g for -cKpi/mc, cp. a^pvM ; dsg-rrona for dsd'rorvm ;, 
af/jx.ri 'point of a spear' for o.yjhia, {'.r/;), cp. iyx"i'y Horn. 
To^o (toico) for T(j(Jijj, Sk. tdsya ; ravpo; (rapFo;) ' bull,' beside 
Gaulish tan'os (KsvTavpog is for Ksvdavpo;, by popular etymo- 
logy from xsvriu ' goad ' and raupog, = Sk. gandharvds ' demi- 
gods inhabiting Indra's heaven '(?)). 



Vocalic and Conso7iantal Affections. 1 1 5 

LOSS. 

Contraction. In consequence of the disappearance of /, 
?/(f"), and s between vowels, contraction is common in Greek. 
The hiatus resulting from the loss of these letters is often 
closed by this means — (pofZi contrd. from ipopiu (^(pofi[u), r:a7i 
from Ta/; (rraFii), ysvoug from yiviog (ysvioog). When the 
vowels to be contracted are of similar quality, one long 
vowel serves — iSaaiXTjsg (iSaffiXi^Fs;), which passes into 
(3affi}.ri:. The contraction of ss and 00 gives for result close 
e and close 0, written si and ou — rpsTg for rpsisg, Sk. trdyas, 
Horn. r,(jZg for r,n(Sog, Sk. ushdsas. Darbishire makes rtoZg = 
riFo{ff)og, with prefix v, as in rjsXiog (rt. FO- ' burn ' as in 
£i>.?3 * warmth ') for r^Fs/Jog, and separates rt. ves- ' shine ' 
(Sk. vas, Gk. iojg) from us/i-; connecting the latter, as a 
weak form, with the aus- that appears in avpiov, Aurora, 
I^esb. a/jug. 

This £/ and oi> are naturally not real diphthongs, but graphic 
expedients. If the vowels to be contracted are of different 
qualities, at times the equality of the first prevails — axuv 
for aiyi'jiv (dFiy-ooii), ' Arpiiha for 'ATpslddo, Dor. rdv gen. plu. 
fem. for rtic/jv, cp. Sk. tasdm, L. istaruni ; sXdrrovg for 
-o{ff)ig, cp. L. inajores (the o coloured the s into 0, and the 
resultant 00 then passed into ou) : at times the quality of the 
second — Attic rwv gen. plu. fem., cp. Dor. -rav above. In 
jiwog for yivsog (ytvsffog), the £ fell to o, under the attraction 
of the 0, and the resultant 00 passed into ou. If the second 
of the vowels to be contracted was / or v, various apparent 
diphthongs resulted — '-aTg (7ra(F)ig), olg ((j(F)ig), si{isi), 
davXog 'thick' (for dasvXog, cp. daavg 'densus'). 

Elision is a species of contraction. The Attic is the 



1 1 6 Manual of L ingttistics. 

dialect that has most persistently weeded out uncontracted 
forms. 

In Latin the loss of medial / is the most frequent cause 
of contraction — trcs for treles monete for nione{i)ete, sto from 
sfd{f)d, stat from std{i)et, ames for amd{i)es (I.E. -wij). 
Contraction does not take place in Latin with the combina- 
tions ed ed and ae — moned, monedm, aenus. The loss of h 
also gives scope for contraction — naiid for nehemd, bhnus 
for bihimus, praebeb for pj'aehibed. Notice cogd for coago, 
dego for deagd, promo for proemd. (Wharton derives prdmd 
cdnid, Szc, from words made up of prepositions and 
adjectival endings, cp. prdnms ' cellarer.') But cdegl 
remains uncontracted, as happens when the second vowel 
is long, and has the principal accent. 

For a common example of contraction in Teutonic, take 
Goth, fret 'ate up' 3 sing, pret., A.S. frCct, O.H.G. frdf, 
TQVit.freii, contrd. hom fra-eti, as is seen from Goth. pres. 
f rattan ' eat up ' {Y.. fret, G. fressen). 

Certain Anglo-Saxon contractions claim notice. The 
result ea is given by the West Germanic a + 0, u ; d (Teut. 
ce) + 0, 21. Examples are slean ' slay,' Goth, slahan ; brea 
' hxov^^ = bra(iv)u for brdwu, O.H.G. brdwa (G. brane). A 
following vowel after ea, from any original, is crushed out — 
frea 'lord' ioxfrau{j)a, Goih. frdi/Ja, O.^.Gj. fro {G. frohii 
' herrschaftlich,' now only used as first member of com- 
pounds). 

The result eo (Jo) is given by West Germanic e + o, o, u ; 
/, i + o, 0, u ; /, I + a, d. Examples are seon = se/z(w)on, 
Goth. saUnvan ; tcon 'censure,' O.H.G. zihan, Gk. hzixwiu ; 
/^.fiy^ ' promise ' for bi{h)dt be{h)dt, O.H.G. biheif; zxid^freo 
' free' iox frija, Goth./;'m (ace. sing, m.frijana) Sk. priyds 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 7 

'dear.' A following vowel after any i-o is crushed out — 
teon 'draw' for teu{h)on, O.H.G. rJohaii (G. ziehen), O.T.. 
douco. 

A.S. a (Teut. fe) + vowel = d—td 'toe ' = A?/;^, O.H.G. 
z'eha (G. ;Sf//^), I.E. daiku-. 

A.S. ■¥ a, o, It, e = d=Jidn ' hang,' Goth, and O.H.G. 
hdhnn, Teut. '/jinxr, I.E. kank"-. 

Aphaeresis, Syncope, and Apocope are names given to 
different kinds of vowel-loss, according as this manifests 
itself initially before consonants, medially between con- 
sonants, and finally after consonants. That vowel-loss 
which leaves a syllabic something behind it, is called 
samprasdraiia (the term of the Sanskrit grammars), e.g., Tic 
is the samprasdraiia form of rt. vac. Vowel-loss existed in 
the parent speech. 

In Latin take the following examples : — sum {esmi or 
esm) due to the analogy of siimiis ; ao-er from agrs, saj7i- 
prasdraiia of agros, agellus for agerliis {agrotos), cette 
' give ye ' from ce-dite, valde (cp. valtdus), nuntius for 
noveniios, auded (cp. avidiis) ; hospes from hostpes {hos- 
tipes), prJnceps from prlmiceps, Pollux from Poluluces (Gk. 
rroX-j^suxjjg), nuper for noviper, sinciput {semi-, caput), 
sesqui- {semissi-, que), sellbra {semi-, libra), sestertius for 
semistertius, Marpor for Marci puer, prdrsus for provorsus, 
meopte (cp. utpote), dddrdns {do, by-form of de, and qnadrdns) 
surgo {sub-, rego), reppull {re-pepidi), die, due, &c., beside 
older dice, duce, Szc, tot for tote toti (cp. totidem), et (cp. Gk. 
fV;), exemplar and exempldre, vol up ' agreeably ' and volupe 
(cp. Gk. Tk^tuI), famiil undi famulus, fieu and neve, ac and 
atque, quin 'but that' {qui (abl.), ne negative), si?i 'but if 
{si,- ne pronominal, as is the n of alioquin), siremps and 



1 1 8 Manual of L ingiiistics. 

sirempse ' similarly ' (got from the collocation si rem 
eatnpse — , Wharton says it is a perf. inf. of a surimo ' take 
up,' so that siremps lex esto quasi means ' let an assumption 
be law as though — '). 

For these remarks on quln and sin confer Brugmann's 
Journal, vol. ii., pages 212 and 222. 

In Teutonic, take the following examples — A.S. bisceop, 
O.H.G. biscof{G. bischof), from Gk. JT/'/rxoToc ; Goth, wulfs 
(Teut. wulfaz) ; Goth, safj'a ' I set ' (Teut. satiw). 

In West Germanic the following rules hold in regard to 
syncope : — Short vowels drop out in open syllables {a) after 
long syllables bearing the chief accent ; {h) after a syllable 
bearing a secondary accent, following that (long or short) 
with the chief accent — A.S. hierde (J^ = umlaut of m, Teut. 
mi), O.H.G. horta 'heard' for horita, cp. Goth, hdusida, 
O.S. mahtigro from mdhtigiro dat. sing. fem. of mahtig 
' mighty.' 

The second head will now be taken up, viz., Consonantal 
Affections, divided out into various sub-heads. 

CHANGE. 

Assimilation. Examples in Greek are /Vrs, cp. 'i'^/msv ; 
vu^d' o/.riv (vjy.Ta) ; if ^?;,a/,a2p?;c (i~rd) ' with seven halves'; 
xp-jiSdriv [xphrrru) ' secretly.' 

In Latin, these will serve •.^peccare=pedcare {pes pedis) ; 
hoc = hodce', agger {ad, gero) ; ampulla {amporla) 'bottle,' 
cp. amp/iora ; polliceri {por-, licer'i) ; tollo = tolnd, sollus = 
solvos, Gk. oS/Xoc, Sk. sdrvas ; omtiis for opnis (cp. opes, or is 
it ob ? Breal calls omnes a doublet of homines) \ gener 
{genres gemros, Gk. yaix^poc (?)). 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 9 

In Teutonic, take these : — ( \. oiipfindeji for entfitiden 
'(O.H.G. intfindan) \ G. Jibiiheere ' raspberry,' for /«W/;^fr^ 
■• berry eaten by the hind' (O.H.G. hint-bcri) ', G. wimper 
'eyelash,' for tvindbraue (O.H.G. wintbrdwa 'die sich win- 
dende Braue ') ; G. hoffart 'haughtiness,' for hochfahrt 
{M.H.G. hochvart ' Art vornehm zu leben,' cp. G. wohlfahrf) ; 
G. imbiss ' snack,' for inbiss {einbeissen). 

Dissimilation. This sometimes involves the loss of a 
letter or syllable. Examples in Greek are t/vut-Jl; ' wise,' 
for aurjro:, -^idvf'og 'whispering,' for -^-jdufoc ; r/.s^sipia 
* armistice,' for lytyiifia ; ridriri for dsdrjSi ; nT^ng for 6u-)(og ; 
idpkvoc for (papkvoc, E. biird ; ^odpog (or ipodpog ; iZ'-ayXog 
for s/iTXay/.og ; dp{jpa,-/,Tog for dpu(ppa-A.Tog ; a./j,<popsvg and 
d,'Mf:ifops-jg, yJvrojp ' goader,' for y.svrrjrup, ddpavvog for 
&apc()(!uvrjc, }.i---jp'ia. ' intermittent fever,' for X/roTu^/a. 

In Latin, these may serve: — gurgulio 'gullet,' cp. Gk. 
yapyapim; singiilaris ^ndpiuralis; pidchtm {-tlo-)dindiliecnwi; 
xancer for career, cp. Gk. %ap%mg ; agrestis for agrestris, cp. 
silvestris ; crebesco and crebresco ; antestdri for antetestdrl ; 
truddare for trucicidare ; semestris for sanimestris ; stlpefidium 
for sttpipendium ; nutrlx for nutritrix ; vituperdre for viti- 
tuperdre. 

One or two examples for Teutonic may be given — 
O.H.G. martnul (G. marmel) from L. marmor; O.H.G. 
iurtiltiiba (G. titrteitaube, E. turtle) from L. turtiir; 
•Goth; aivistr ' sheep fold,' for awiwistr, A.S. eotvestre, 
O.H.G. €7vist. 

Assibilation. This is a name given to the conversion of a 
dental to s. The following examples from Greek will serve : 
— rrosig (cp. L. poiis) ; hi'TTKaGiog ' double,' cp. di-aXrog, Goth. 
-/a/]^s, A.S. -/ea/d, O.H.G. -fa/t ; £i(cp. L. td) ; rripuai (Dor. 



I20 Mantial of Linguistics. 

--ipvTi) 'last year,' cp. Go\h. fairneis 'old,' A.S./j'r/i, O.H.G. 
Jir/ii {<^.firn ' vorjahrig '). 

Labialism was the name given to the passage of the velar 
guttural into 'r., jS, (p. See Chapter IV., under velars. 

Dentalism was the name given to the passage of the velar 
guttural into r, o, t). See Chapter IV., under velars. 

Rhotacism is a name given to the change of s into r (see 
Chapter VII., under Verney's Law and Conway's Law) or to 
the appearance of r for /. 

Labdacism is a name given to the change of r into /. 

Voicing. Examples are L. giiberno borrowed from Gk. 
xviSipvdoo, Burrus borrowed from Gk. ni;/5/5oc(see Chap. VII., 
p. 171); L. angulus, cp. anats; L. singiilus {sewklos) ; L. 
vigintl for v'lcintl, on the analogy of septingenfi, where the g 
is said to be original (palatal g) \ L. Agrigentum (Gk. 
'Axpaya:) ; quadra 'square,' for quatra ; L. ab, ob, sub (cp. 
Gk. d--(j, E-~i, brro). 

Unvoicing. Examples are L. a/uu/ra ' oil-lees,' borrowed, 
from Gk. d/xopyi^ ; L. sfe/uiica, borrowed from Gk. (TvtjjX-j/^ ; 
citrus, another form of cednis, borrowed from zsdpo; ; pertica 
' pole,' iox pertiga, from perfingo ; aput and haut beside apud 
and liaud. 

Metathesis. Examples of this common interchange of 
letters are Gk. ■/.aphid and -/.pablr,, E. zvasp (A.S. tvceps and 
wasp, L. vespa) ; E. as^ (A.S. dsa'an and dcsian) \ E. bright ^ 
A.S. beorhi zx\^-breht; O.H.G. effih (G. essig {g^ox ch \\\ 
unaccented syllable), A.S. eced (for d cp. abbod from ab- 
hdteni)), ' aus at'ik fiir atcko^ got from L. acctuiii by trans- 
position. 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 121 

GROWTH. 

Reduplication. Examples in Greek are these : — Ordinary 
reduplicated perfects ; UrnyM {(narayM) ; ippcr/a, {FiFf^uya) ; 
i'i'lMapTai (^Si(!!x,apTai) ; i'^'j^npi ((fsff/xops) ; huza (FiFoiKa) ; i'lprixa 
(^FzFiprixa) ; sypriyopa, a,-/.ojy.-fj, avrr/Myji ; 6vhr,/j.i, iffTTj/jji (^aiGrd/M), 
cp. L. sis/o, 'ir,,'M ((risri/Mi) ; yiy]J0/j.ai, ■ri'-rroj, ■-op^p-jpcj • li-fiv 
Horn, hf-ov (the theoretical form is sFsF-ov^ with weak root ; 
has the Homeric form prothetic I (cp. sFuxosi, or (and the 
£/ persists through the moods) was there before contraction 
an analogical restoration sFiFi--ov with s from the forms with 
rt. Fi--). Notice also yapyapidJv ' uvula,' cp. Y.. giirgulio \ 
miMfpriQtJjv ' wasp,' cp. Sk. haiubharas ' bee ' ; TwMp-^i'Coi 
'mutter'; (SdpjSaprjg, cp. L. ballnts ; --ai-d'/.'/j 'flour-dust.' 

From Latin take these : — the ordinary perfect of reduplica- 
tion, e.g., spopotidi for spespondl \ scdl [sezdl, sesdl), steti for 
stest'i, scidl for sciddJ, tul'i for tetull, repperi for repeperl ;gigno; 
querqiieriis ' shivering cold,' muriiuir (Gk. ij.opn,6pu}), qiiis- 
quiliae ' droppings of trees ' (Gk. yjt6-/.-o7.!jATta). 

Aspiration. Take as example these : — dhriv ' to excess,' 
due to influence of dXig, op-rit, ' sapling,' due to influence 
of dp'-n-yj ' sickle ' ; Iwsa, due to influence of sj and i-rd ; 
'i'Mipog from root vl- ' wish ' not ish- (Darbishire, Spiritus 
Asper) ; humerus, cp. Gk. w//o.-. 

(remination. This is a name given to the doubling of a 
consonant ; sometimes in certain manifestations the name 
Affrication is given. Examples are common. Gemination 
often occurs in West German before / — A.S. hebban (Goth. 
hafja7i), A.S. lecgan (Goth, lagjan). Many examples have 
already appeared. 

Epenthesis is the name given to the insertion of a con- 
sonant. Examples are avhpa, iLiByi'MiSpia {ruLipa), iMifLiSXuyM 



1 2 2 Mamial of L higuistics. 

(cp. iimXov), aiMJBfOTOi (cp. L. morior) ; exemplum, templiim, 
comps'i ; thimder, nightingale, humble (A.S. '^unor, 7iihtegale, 
L. hiimilis). 

Epithesis is the name given to the addition of a consonant. 
Examples are lamb, tyrant, lend, midst, thumb, sound (A.S. 
lam{b), Gk. r^if^anag, A.S. henan, A.S. midde, with gen. suffix 
and excrescent /, cp. whilst, amongst, A.S. '6Tima, M.E. 
soun). Note, with suffixed d, G. irgetid^ O.H.G. iergen, to 
(G. Je) wergin (A.S. hivergen ' anywhere ') {-gin = Goth, -hun, 
L, -ainque). 

LOSS. 

Deaspiration. Take as examples of the lifting of the 
aspirate these : — olXoz dialectical, L. sollus ; cidfoo; dissi- 
milated by 6 ; arsp ' without,' cp. Goth, sundro, A.S. sundor 
(E. sunder), O.H.G. suntar (G. sondern, besonders), with 
which some connect olwj, O.H.G. dno (G. ohne); o(pf>a 
(o-cpi-apa) dissimilated by <p ; Uog by dissimilation ; spa-ii 
(Sk, varshds) by influence of anaptyctic l{F)ipen ; avuu for 
arjw (Sk. san 'accomplish') (due to dissimilation effected 
in the second person sing, of the present where anaai be- 
came oLMihoLi, or to the influence of the Greek representa- 
tive (seen in asiJ^ivog for fjieij^zwg) of Sk. van ' desire, obtain ') 
(Darbishire, Spiritus Asper) ; hoc and hoc, which come 
from different roots that have got mixed, cp. Sk. sdnas 
{any as, Gk. hioi), L. se7iex, Goth, sineigs 'old,' E. syne; 
prhisus for prehensus. 

Aphaeresis. Examples are conwere {cogfilvere) ; sub, super, 
cp. Gk. s^uTspds ; Idtus for tldtus ; lac (Gk. yaka) ; ndtus 
(cp. cogndtus); tiosco (cp. ignosco); narro (cp. Igndrus); 
liquiritia (Gk. yXuxu^^/^a) ; v'lvus (A.S. ^ze^/V) ; w>^/^ (Goth. 
kwiman) ; Jupiter and Diespiter ; /a««.f and Z>/J//a ; laena 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 2 3 

from Gk. y^XaTva, by influence of Idna which has lost a v 
<cp. vel/iis) ; tego (Gk. tfrsyw) ; pFanex {spuma) ; fungus from 
45^'oyyoc, ; jnordeo (O.H.G. smerzen (G. schmerzen)) ; «/x 
{(ioth. stidhus); langueo (A.S. ^/^-"if 'slow'). Note also E. 
.^rt/ clad, raven, lisp, root (A.S. hldf, Chaucer's yclad, A.S. 
/z/-r/?/"«, A.S. wlisp adj., A.S. wrbtan); iJ.m-j^ for c/i-wi'!;^; r^/cc 
for (T/x/a. 

Ecthlipsis. Convenient examples of the crushing-out of 
consonants are furnished by the Anglo-Saxon dropping of 
d, 5, s, and st before verbal st. See also under Contraction. 

Apocope. Examples are yaka (ydXazrog), eXsyi(T), o'\jru(d), 
xaXug = KaXud (the g in such words is due to the reten- 
tion of the g that had been generated from the in certain 
conditions of the sentence-life of the word), lac {lactis), cor 
{cordis), OS (ossis), far {f arris), mel {me I lis), praedd{d), 
e(]ud{d), Dianid), legitd{d). 

Many general examples are scattered up and down in 
Chaps. II., III., and IV. Many examples of English sound- 
processes are to be met with in Chaps. VIII. and IX. 

It will be necessary to give a little space to a notice of the 
laws for finals in Teutonic (Auslautsgesetze). 

Notice the following facts concerning finals in Primitive 
Teutonic : — 

I, Final w became «. This when protected by a particle 
remained — Goth. ]iana, but otherwise, as did original ?i, 
dropped after short vowels — Goth, wulf (a), Gk, 7.6x.ov, L. 
lupum. 

After long vowels the nasal lost quantity, dropping off 
afterwards in the individual languages. 



1 24 Manual of Linguistics. 

Goth, taihun 'ten,' silnm 'seven' retain their final n 
owing to the influence of the ordinals taihunda, "^sibunda. 

2. The sounds that were developed out of original t and 
d dropped off— Goth. Jnva (L. guod), Goth, berun {berun\>). 

3. Original -(?/, on became -ai, -au — Goth, gilmi ' to a gift/ 
cp. Gk. %&V«for %&^pa/, Goth, a/i^dze 'eight' (oktou), a/isfdi 
'to a favour' {*ansiei \oc., cp. Gk. --i'/.rii). 

Otherwise the endings in Teutonic were full endings. 
The following laws about finals hold in Gothic : — 

1. Long vowels that were originally final, or had become 
final in Primitive Teutonic, were shortened in polysyllabic 
words— Goth. y//X^^z 'yokes' (Sk. ///^i, 0.1,. jugd), Goth. 
baira 'I bear' (Gk. ^£>w), Goth, hwamma 'to whom,' cp. 
hwanwieh ' to every one.' 

Long vowels remained in monsyllables, and in words that 
originally ended in nasals — Goth. \->d ace. sing, fern., Dor. 
rdv, Goth, ha'irto nom. sing. ' heart ' {*kertdn). 

2. Short vowels, excepting u, that were originally final, or 
had become final in Primitive Teutonic, dropped off. This 
law apphes to the final syllables of polysyllabic words that 
ended in a single consonant, unless that were consonantal / 
or u. Examples are Goth, wait ' I know ' and ' he knows ' 
(Gk. oUa and olh), Goth, a/' from' (Gk. d-o), Goth. bairi]> 
(Sk. bhdrati), Goth, ividfs (Gk. Xuxoc) ; hvXfilu ' much' (Gk. 
-roX-J). The law is inoperative in the case of original mono- 
syllables — Goth, is ' he ' (L. is), Goth. Ima ' what ' (L. {/uod). 

3 Short and original final -ai and -oi became a in poly- 
syllables — Goth, bdirada ' he is borne ' (Gk. <pipirai), daga 
' to a day ' (dhoghuoi loc). 

Of consonants the only primitive final kept in Gothic was 
s. The only primitive consonant-group that remained finally 
was ns. 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 2 5 

Teutonic -TS, -d, -3, -z were unvoiced finally. Final -rz 
passed to -;■ through -;'/'. 

The following are the laws relating to West Germanic 
finals : — 

1. Final long vowels coming down from Primitive 
Teutonic were shortened in West Germanic — O.H.G. biru, 
A.S. here (in West Saxon the optative termination -e dis- 
placed -n, note Mercian heoru, North, hero (Gk. f>spM)) ; 
belonging to the ^-declension A.S. j,^icfii, (O.H.G. geha is 
the ace. form), cp. Goth. gi7>a (in Gothic orig. -a and -0, 
when shortened, came to a, and not t(, as in other Teutonic 
languages) ; O.H.G. n'ri {*rizl) imp. subj. 3 sing, of r'lsan 
' fall.' 

2. After this law, there operated the law of syncope 
referred to above, by which the short vowels of dissyllables, 
when final, or followed by one consonant, dropped off 
if the first syllable were long. This dropping off also 
took place in polysyllables with a secondary accent on the 
penult. Examples are A.S. wi/If voc, O.H.G. wolf from 
^ivulfi *ividfe (Gk. '/Jjy.i) ; A.S. zvie/f nom., O.H.G. wolf, 
from '''wulfaz (Gk. Xixo;) • O.H.G. irdhi (G. irdeti) (*/r]nnaz), 
A.S. ^//r^", O.H.G. din'f (*MriAi). Note with short first 
syllable these: — O.H.G. f/iu (L. pea/), A.S. wi'/n' 'friend,' 
O.H.G. wi'm (*wtmz). Levelling sometimes furnishes 
seeming exceptions, e.g., A.S. /^^r ' bear ' imperat., O.H.G. 
dir (Gk. (pipi). These took after imperatives that dropped 
the vowel according to rule. 

3. There was a later shortening of long vowels occurring 
in polysyllabic words that had dropped -n or -z after the 
long vowel ; in -e and -o from the -ai and -au that were 
either already final in Primitive Teutonic, or had become 



126 Manual of L inguistics. 

so by loss of -s ; and in the -J that came from -iij. Examples 
are A.S. ha?ia ' cock,' O.H.G. /la^o (Teut. -/anon) ; A.S. 
menigic (the -u taken over from the <z-declension), O.H.G. 
managi (Teut. managhi) ; A.S. dcege, O.H.G. tage (^daiai 
loc. as dat.), cp. Gk. or/M ; A.S. eahta 'eight,' O.H.G. ahuy 
(oktou) ; O.H.G. wili 'thou wilt' (^iviliz ox\g. optative of 
a verb in -mi) ; O.H.G. gestinom. plu., from *])astlz *T,astinz,. 
cp. Goth, gasieis. 

Final -z dropped off in West Germanic, -s remained, but 
had in many cases been supplanted by -z. See Chap HI., 
under s. 

When by the action of the laws for finals a nasal or a 
liquid (preceded by a mute) lost the succeeding vowel, it 
became vocalic, acquiring syllabic power ; in West Ger- 
manic a vowel was often generated — Goth, akrs fugls^ 
A.S. cecer fugol, O.H.G. acchar fogal. In such a position 
consonantal / or ii became of course vocalic — Goth. hi7i 
'come here,' old imperat., for Jiirji (2 plu. hirji\ 'come 
ye here '). 

These remarks, supplementing incidental remarks made 
in Chaps. H., HI., and IV., must suffice. 

This seems the place to speak of the action of that im- 
portant agent in sound-change called Analogy. 

In Chaps. II. -IV. have appeared numerous illustrations 
of the reign of Phonetic Law. 

These two principles are the prime solvents in matters 
phonological, and account between them for the form of all 
the native words in a language. 

In dealing with foreign words the effect of their own 
proper phonetic laws has to be discounted. 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 127 

Owing to the intimate inter-relations of Phonetic Law 
and Analogy, the second remodelling the work of the first, 
and toning down the diversity produced by its action, a 
clear conception of the scope and action of the one involves 
something similar regarding the other. 

Phonetic Law is correctly, if somewhat grandiosely, 
defined by the now well-known shibboleth ' Phonetic Laws 
have universal validity ' (Allgemeingiltigkeit). This truth 
is not empirically demonstrable by proof got from any 
random examples blindly chosen, but only deductively 
necessary by consideration of what is causal and initial in 
sound-processes. Sound-change as a rational process on 
large lines, and as the organic agent its results show it to 
be, does not begin with a few words, and get extended to 
others, but is due to the induced action of the pronouncing 
organs, which, supplying the accomplishing impetus, will in 
every word similarly mould the same sound every time it is 
acted on in the given circumstances. 

It cannot then happen that a sound-change will take 
place in certain cases, and in certain other similar cases not 
take place. Die Laiitgesetze wirken blind, init blitider Noth- 
wendigkeit (Osthoff). Two different results cannot (unless 
as different stages of development) be referred as descend- 
ants to one sound-group. 

The possible doppelfortnen must bear the relation of 
imdterforvien and tochterformen. Schzvesterformen are inad- 
missible. For instance //-s/^ous and [j^u^Qnoi cannot both be 
derivatives from a form ,a£/^oi/(rog. /xs/^oli; comes regularly 
from ij.itZ,oGog (Sk. mdhlyasas), while i^ifQi^ag is an associa- 
tionsbildung, getting its v from iJ.uQjiv. 

Within a prescribed area (and in the case of individual 



128 Manual of L inginstics. 

laws, it may be, a prescribed period), phonetic law is 
absolute and admits of no exceptions. That area is the 
one in which the phonetic material to be reasoned on 
has accumulated. 

Not that here all is explicable. After everything that 
comes under the head of analogical change has been allowed 
for, after everything foreign, every dialedniischung has been 
discounted, even after observation has been confined to the 
average speech, there remains much that is inexplicable. 
Part of this inexplicability is due to the fact that before we 
can discern the action of laws we must know them, and we 
cannot be said to know all the laws that have wrought on 
phonetic material. All this has to be admitted, but let not 
therefore sporadic change (Lautvertretung) be ranked as a 
solvent. 

As an instrument in practical research, Phonetic Law 
suggests lines of investigation, supplies tests of truth, and 
warns us off impossible tracks. 

If one considers the large mass of regular phonetic change, 
there is nothing for it but to assume the working of regular 
phonetic law. Its adoption as a working hypothesis has 
begotten methodic research, has led to scrupulous accuracy, 
and has stamped out narrow generalisations. Its positive 
results are many, and of much moment. All through these 
chapters there appear proofs of this. 

Analogy, as distinguished from Phonetic Law, is a con- 
structive force. It introduces method ; it fixes bounds ; it 
sorts the stuff that phonetic law disarranges ; it reduces use- 
less isolation ; it seeks for harmony ; it forms proportions ; 
it runs series. Grouping and system argue its presence, 
ungrouped and straggling forms are likely, when interpreted, 
to furnish illustrations of the working of phonetic law. 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections, i 29 

Analogy is the psychological factor in language, Phonetic 
Law is the physiological. The latter is a pioneering force, 
partly creative, partly destructive, the former, a reserve 
force, auxiliar and architectonic. 

Analogical action in a particular direction is never neces- 
sary. Its detection depends on individual skill, and is not 
a consequence of its a priori presence. 

An analogical formation does not oust the old formation. 
The two may long co-exist. 

Analogical explanations are to be submitted to subjective 
tests, any conviction they may carry with them is external, 
and based on the number of parallel instances. 

Phonetic Law and Analogy complement one another. 
The more strictly we stand by the one, the more frequently 
have we to bring in the other. 

Examples of the working of analogy will close this 
chapter. 

These may conveniently be classified under the heads (i) 
^Meaning into Form; (2) Form into Meaning; (3) Form 
into Function ; (4) Function into Form. 

Likeness in meaning or kind has led to approximation 
in form ; likeness in form, to misapprehension or misplace- 
ment of the meaning of the name, or to misapplication of 
significant elements ; and likeness in function, to transfer- 
ence of formal and functional elements. 

Head (2) furnishes examples of what is called popular 
etymology (Volksetymologie). 

MEANING INTO FORM. 
Some of the most common instances of the workings of 



130 Jllan It a/ of L inginstics. 

analogy on these lines are seen in certain results produced 
by levelling. 

These appear (i) in Nouns and Adjectives, and are 
caused by the influence of case on case : — Gk. rfi'isi^ 
■■iriyisi, TToXisi, <ppsai for the regular (with weak grade) forms 
ridvsi, --riyjjci, 'ro^.isi (Ionic), (ppaei (a = 7j) (Pindar), by influ- 
ence of the other cases, cp. also dpvasi for apaet (^a = n), 
with V from other cases ; L. honor and arbor for horws 
and arlws, by influence of the r of oblique cases, patres^ 
&c., with an e got from influence of oves, &c. {oves = 
oveis = ovejes) ; yelloiv (A.S. geohi), shadoiv (A.S. sceadii), 
also shade — these words get w from the oblique cases \ 
G. rauh (M.H.G. ruch rnhes), &c. — in such words the 
//. of inlaut has generally supplanted the ch of auslaut, 
but we have still such contrasts as hoch hoher : (2) in 
Verbs, and are caused by the influence of person on per- 
son, number on number, and case on case : — Gk. 'xi-it'Kiyjx, 
(cp. y.iKXofa), due to the s of tXskco, &c.; fooh and drove 
used as participles ; Fr. vois voyons for vois veons (L. vides 
vidcinus) \ G. fliege fliegst fliegt for fliege fleugst fleugt ; G. 
schnitt sdiJiitten for O.H.G. SJieid snitum : (3) in Derivatives, 
and are caused by the influence of primitives : — leafage for 
leavage, by influence of leaf; G. antwort (M.H.G. antzviirfe)^. 
a reformate after wort; Ital. novanta for 7i07ianta, by influence 
of nove/ii. 

The influence noticed under the last head is some- 
times reversed : — Lesb. ts'/jc^ts after rri'M'^Tog, patron with 
sound heard in patronage, instead of the usual name-sound 
of a, though the normal influence between primitive and 
derivative is also evidenced by the other pronunciation of 
patrofiage. 



Vocalic mid Consonantal Affections. 



131 



The changes produced by etymologising may be brought 
under the head of levelling— //;/// (M.E./a^^/t-), by accommo- 
dation to fat/ere, throne (M.E. tnme), by accommodation to 
Spovog. 

Related meanings lead to approximation or contamina- 
tion in form. Examples are Sk. ndpdtam tidptrd (for ndptd), 
2t.itex pitdrani pitrd, &c. ; Gk. i'lzoat with from the numbers 
with -xoira ; Gk. rpirarog modelled on harog bsTtarog; Gk. 
TllMui with aspirate from association with s^o/xa/ as its 
perfect ; Gk. i/j^olj with i- from the nom. iyij) (cp. Mod. Gk. 
iau); Fr. tien sien (O.Fr. tuen suen) by analogy of mien 
(O.Fr. mien). 

For an example of contamination take itineris gen. of 
iter, due to the mixing of two genitives iteris and ititiis ; 
O.H.G. In III (G. bin) produced by the mixing of the products 
of two roots, viz., bheu- and es-, cp. A.S. beam and Goth. 
iiii. 

Formal characteristics are often due to association in 
meaning. Thus the Greek nouns of the second declension 
ending in -og, and meaning 'way,' assume the gender of 
hUg ; names of towns assume the gender of --oXig ; Latin 
names of trees take on the gender of arbor ; humus takes 
on that of terra ; Fr. ete masc. (L. aestatem fem.) goes over 
to the gender of the other seasons hiver, printemps. 

The relation that subsists between congeneric words often 
leads to an adaptation of form to form. Examples are Gk. 
'(jT.ichv with ff from ■-^U&iv ; Gk. iJ.riyJ.Ti with x from ohziri ; 
Gk. s/j-Toduiv modelled on sz--oouiv ; Gk. '/i/j.sTg (^Flolic oi/zfj,sg) 
with aspirate from v,'xiTg (Sk. base yushmad) ; L. gravis, 
which assumed in Vulgar Latin the vowel of /evis, whence 
Ital. greve ; female {M.Yj. feiiiele, 0.¥x. femeile) by influence 



1 3 2 Manual of L inguistics. 

of male ; neither (A.S. naivSer, Prov.E. fiother, E. nor), by 
association with either (A.S. <?^5^r). 

I may here give one or two examples taken from Bloom- 
field's most suggestive article * On adaptation of suffixes in 
congeneric classes of substantives ' in the American Journal 
of Philolog}-, Vol. XII. I., from which I have borrowed the 
words 'congeneric' and 'adaptation.' 

In this article he gives good reasons for attributing the 
form of -cur to the influence of oooir, both denoting parts 
of the body ; for attributing the //-inflection of Goth, fdtus 
to the action of handus, which has the //-inflection in 
Teutonic, though probably this was not the original 
inflection. The impulse towards the //-inflection was first 
given by kinnus ' chin, cheek,' an original //-stem (Sk. 
hdnus 'jaw,' Gk. yivjz 'jaw,' L. geyiuinus ' belonging to the 
jaw'). There first ensued a rapprochejtieyit between the 
declensions of *kinus, and of the stem hand-, this being 
furthered by the presence in the latter of the quasi-//-forms 
that represented original jn and n, viz., ace. sing. handu{m), 
dat. plu. handufn{t), ace. plu. handuns. 

These two words, the one originally, the other second- 
arily, of the //-declension, then influenced the congeneric 
nouns with which they must have been often paired, handus 
dominating y?///5, and kinnus, tun\us. 

In the same article he speaks of the / of ( Joth. hu'eit{a)s 
' white ' {hieijbs) as perhaps due to the influence of the 
congeneric swartas {suordos). 

He attributes also the extensive employment of stems in 
rand n — Gk. Ti-ap r^rrarr.z [ar=jjr), 'L. Jecur Jecinoris ; o\j6ap 
tZirxrog (^ar=nr)' "L. femur /eminis ; L. accipiter (cp. Gk. 
oixic, rrrifbt ■ popularly connected with accipio) and penna 



Vocalic and Consonantal Affections, i 



o,> 



r aew or 


per- 




teO 


5D :- 


■ . '. : 


:an 





ip-itna) : 5cc. — :d the exertion of analogical inflaence bj a 
few nouns. 

Similarly the appropriaticm of the snffis -z»-, -z-, bj certain 
Greek class-names (birds, anima1«t^ plants) — y*-'^^ *owl,' 
jw'saz * crow/ TLkxxrJ^ * cuckoo/ &a : cu^ * goali' a>-«=ri5^ 
'fox, —^ 'hare,' &c ; &».a| 'reed,' f«| ' grape,* rf^iSx^ 
' lettuce ' ; &c. — is due to the inioence of cactain dominant 
congeDeric nouns. 

FORM INTO MEAXINC-. 

An alteration of : : v. U5u _ — 
verted meaning read in:; / .. : i . 

Examples are inctnti^ {indnere ' : ? . 
associated with derivatives kA incenc-y- i 
cutiet (Fr. wtelette (L. costa^ assodn : e i 
(qp. E. wanhope, wanton) from adj. wan * emptj 'as - _ i 
on the disappearance of this wmd with the nour 
'delusion'; Gk. 'l£f»«B?ja/Mi 'Jerusalem* owing its \-::. 
association with n^~\ E. hdfij (O.Fr. bewfroi, M.H.G. 
berivrit ' watch tower ' (cp. G. bergen protect and firkde 
'peace')) got from a^ociation with belli E. aw/fish (M.E. 
mffs„ O.Fr. eserevisse, arsFisse) got from accommodation to 
JisA ; E. causemaj (O.Fr. caude^ KL. caJdata {wia)) by accom- 
modation to way I K wr^i/erj^-plays), acted by craftsmen 
(O.Fr. mestier^ L. nuniskriitm), from asociation witb mystery 
(Gk. /tytfrii^f**) ; G. aland (M.H.G. dlant ' solitary land ') 
associated with (« * ^g ' and) /and; edit * real ' (M.BLG. c- 
haft^ i (G. ehe\ 'law') commonly associated with adkten 
'value,' and written «c*/; G. sundflut 'deluge' (O.H.G. 
dn-vluot 'great flood,' cp. G. singrun, Goth, sindgs, E. syne) 
got from association with sunde * sin * ; G. maiuzi ... -/ • -:.^' 



134 Manual of L ingitistics. 

(M.H.G. moltwerf ^ xi\ov\6. thrower/ cp. Shakspeare's w^/^- 
warp, Sc. mowdiewari) a ' volksetymologische Umbildung ' 
on niaul^ mouth.' 

FORM INTO FUNCTION. 

Certain common endings have been generalised. They 
have ousted strange endings that bore more or less resem- 
blance to themselves. For example, pleasure (O.Fr. plaisir) 
has fallen with measure, nature; tardy (O.Fr. tardif) has 
taken dSier guilty, weary; surgery (O.Fr. a'rurgie) has accepted 
the yoke of sorcery, thievery, &c.; sausage (O.Fr. saucisse) has 
gone over to courage, visage, &:c.; syllable (O.Fr. siilabe) has 
put on the ending oi parable, constable, &c.; and reprimand 
(L. {res) repri7ne7idd) has been accommodated to command, 
demand. 

Just so with prefixes. The aggressive n of the new con- 
tingent of Latin words has replaced its descendant in inspire 
and intend, &:c., and threatens to do so in words like 
enquire. 

Notice too, how in recount, repeal, refine, re- has regained 
living fulness, and in its re-growth, cramped out of existence 
the a (L. ad) of the Old French originals raconter, rapeler, 
raffiner. Advantage (M.E. avauntage, O.Fr. avantage {ab, 
atite)) bears witness to the assertiveness of ad. So too with 
the related advance. 

FUNCTION INTO FORM. 

A transference of elements is seen in Swx/jar^ji/ for the 
regular ^cuxpdrr}, in the imposition of the endings of «/-stems 
on Xsuv, an ^^-stern (cp. L. leo leonis) ; in the extension of 
the genitive ending -s, in English and German, beyond its 



Vocalic ami Cousonantal Affections. 135 

former sphere — E. ladys maid and lady-day, G. des vaters 
and M.H.G. des vater, G. liedessch/iicrz, where the s is due 
to analogy and not to atavism (in Gothic the gen. fem. ex- 
hibits s); in the encroachments of umlaut, in German, into 
other than /-stems — G. tochtcr and O.H.G. tohter; in the 
extension of the long vowel j proper to the subjunctive of 
thematic verbs to non-thematic verbs — non-thematic /'w//,;!^ 
(Homeric "i()<j.iv) ; in the assumption of the augment by 
XP'^^^Xf"'^ noun, '/jv ; in the appearance, in cnvrd-oug a.nd 
s^d'Tov:, of a, which had apparently acquired a sort of func- 
tional value from its occurrence in cpds. of Irrd, o='xa, iwia ; 
in -?iisi for -ist in tobacco7iist, from influence of piatiist, 
machinist, &c., in the -tisiii of egotism (cp. egoism) ; in the 
generalisation of the verbal -igen, properly belonging to 
adjectives in -ig, evidenced by its appearance in reinigeti, 
huldigen, befriedigett. 

Some of the examples appearing under this and other 
heads might be given as examples of what is called pro- 
portional analogy — 'S.uzpdrrig : 2ux.pdTrjv : : toa/Vjjs : '7ro/J-r,v ; 
7.stav : Xsovra : : ysfuv : yspovra. s/pjjxa (FsF;prr/.a) by its action 
as a member of proportional groups is said to have 
caused the manufacture of s/'Xjjf a, and s/X?3%a (siXo^a and 
-siXsy/j,ai). 



CHAPTER VI. 



ABLAUT AND ACCENT. 



Ablaut (vowel-gradation) is the name given to sound- 
variations in the vocalic elements of cognate words, or word- 
factors. These variations may occur in suffix as well as 
stem. Examples from Greek are most instructive, for the 
vocalism of that language has best preserved its original 
complexion. To illustrate the definition notice these : — /Jy&v 
Xoyci' Xsi-oo, Xoi-Tog, 'iXi-rov ; zXs-jffofjuai, liXriXovda, '^Xvdcf^ ;. 
amdri/xa ' offering,' t)w/x6; ' heap ' ; ^';/;r£, s^o'^ri (s^^ouff/) ;. 
/ff-o;, 't--s. 

These examples make plain the existence of some sort of 
methodic vowel-colouring. Before saying anything of the 
cause or quality of this, it will be well to put down in 
tabular form a definite portion of the facts that are to be 
reasoned on. Ablauts are arranged into various series, or 
reihen, as the Germans call them, according as they exhibit 
certain alternations of vocalic sound. 

The ablaut-series are six in number, and receive these 
names : — (i) ^-series, (2) ^'-series, (3) tz-series, (4) ^T-series, 
(5) rt-series, (6) c-'-series. The d'-series may further be sub- 
divided into (a) t'-series proper, (l>) ^'/-series, {c) <?//:-series, 
{d) ^r-series, {e) ^/-series, (/) ^///-series, {£) (?«-series. 

Omitting Sanskrit, which has merged members of the 
series, and Latin, which is not at all sensitive to variations 
of the root vowel, the sounds that constitute these series in 



Ablaut and Accent. 



^n 



the languages we have under consideration may be set down 
as follows : — 







Str 


ong G 


rrade 




Weak Grade 






I. 


II. 

* 






III. 






I. 


2. 


3. 


4. a. 


(no acct.) b. (sec. acct. 


(a) c- series 


I.E. 


e 


O 


e 








(e) 




Gk. 


e 





17 


w 




e 




Teut. 


e, i 


a 


a} 







e 




Goth. 


i, ai 


a 


e 


6 




i 




A.S. 


e, i 


ce 


ie 







e 




O.H.G. 


e, i 


a 


a 







e 


(b) cz-series 


I.E. 


ej 


oi 








J 




Gk. 


a 


ot 












Teut. 


i 


ai 












Goth. 


ei = i 


ai 








ei=i 




A.S. 


i 


a 












O.H.G. 


I 


ei, e 










{/) ^/-series 


I.E. 


e>i 


"W 






u 


u 




Gk. 


ei; 


oil 






u 


V 




Teut. 


eu 


au 






u 


u 




Goth. 


iu 


au 






u 


u 




A.S. 


eo 


ea 






U, 


u 




O.H.G. 


io, iu 


ou, 







u, 


u 


[d) gr-series 


I.E. 


er 


or 






T 


f 




Gk. 


ep 


op 






ap, pa. 


op, pu 




Teut. 


er 


ar 






ur 






Goth. 


air 


ar 






ur 






A.S. 


er(eor) rer 






ur, or 






O.H.G. 


er 


ar 






ur, or 




{/) ^/-series 




Repc 


iat the above mutatis nnitandis 




(/) ^;«-series I.E. 


em 


om 






m 


m 




Gk. 


e/i 


op. 






a, ap 






Teut. 


em 


am 






um 






Goth. 


im 


am 






um 






A.S. 


im 


am, 


om 




um 





O.H.G. em, im am um, om 

(§■) t'M-series Repeat the above vnitatis nnitaiidis. 



138 Mamial of L ingiustics. 

I. {a) <?-series. 

For example of ablaut I., take '&k. pitdravi, Gk. 'Tiarifa; 
of ablaut II., Gk. iV'TtaTopa, Goth, ^^^ar (this word, however, 
only occurs once in Gothic and that in the nom. or voc. 
sing.) ; ablaut III. a., -tr- (no vowel) in Sk. pitra instr. 
sing., Gk. rrazpog, Goth. fadrs gen. sing. ; of ablaut III. a., 
-tr- (lingual vowel) in Sk. pithhu loc. plu., Gk. rra,rpuffi, 
Goth, /adrum dat. plur. 

This word owing to the presence of r, a letter with 
vocalic leanings, may have two forms of ablaut III. a., one 
vowelless, the other exhibiting the usual representations 
of r. 

Sk. pUci, Gk. rrar'/ip, L. pater (for pater), are examples of 
outlying e, Gk. s'j-ttutup (cp. L. {da)tor for {da)tor), of out- 
lying 0. 

Root sed- furnishes some excellent examples — ablaut I. = 
Gk. idog 'seat,' L. sedeo, sella {sedia), Goth, sttan, A.S. set/.; 
ablaut II. = Goth, satjan 'set,' A.S. scjten (thesis got by 
/-umlaut); ablaut 111.^?. = Gk. YQjiiciGha) 'seat,' L, scdi 
{sezdi, sesdi); ablaut IIL/a = A.S. seten p.p. Outlying long 
vowels = Goth, setum pvet. plu., A.S. sieto/i, A.S. sot 'soot' 
('a settling'). 

{/>) ^/-series. 

For example of ablaut I., take Gk. eJdov ' I saw;' of ablaut 
IL, Sk. veda ' I know' (perf. used as pres.), Gk. oJda, Goth, 
wait, A.S. wdt (E. wot (Ch. ivoot)), O.HG. weif (G. weiss) ; 
of ablaut III. a. Gk. IhiTv, L. videre, Goth, and A.S. witan 
'know,' O.H.G. wiffaii (G. wissen) ; of ablaut lll.b., L. 
vlsus ' seen,' Goth, wets 'wise,' A.S., 7tns, O.H.G. wlsi (G. 
weis). 

(c) eit-senes. 

For example of ablaut I., take Gk. yvju 'I give to taste,' 



A bla II t and A ccc nt. 139 

yvjoiMai ' I taste,' Goth, kiusan 'choose,' A.S. ceosan, O.H.G. 
kiosa)i (G. kiesen); of ablaut II., Goth, kdus pret., A.S. ceas, 
O.H.G. kos. Ablaut Ill.rt. appears in Goth, kusuns p.p., 
A.S. gecoren p.p., curon pret. plu., O.H.G. gikoran. 

{d) ^r-series. 
For example of ablaut I., take Gk. (p'ipu, L. fero, Goth. 
bairati, A.S. and O.H.G. beran (G. gehdren) ; of ablaut II., 
Gk. (popdg, Goth, bar pret., A.S. bivr, O.H.G. bar. Ablaut 
111.(7. appears in \.. fors 'chance,' A.S. gebore?i p.p. 

{e) ^/-series. 
For example of ablaut I., take Gk. 'iXy.i^ 'I draw' ; of ablaut 
II., Gk. oXxo; 'rollers, track' ; of ablaut III.(?., Goth, wielfs, 
A.S. zvulf, O.H.G. 7volf. 

{/) fw-series. 
For example of ablaut I., take Gk. ^g,o(.&J ' I distribute,' 
i'cfjbog ' pasture,' L. tieinus ' grove,' Goth, and A.S. ?iimati 
* take ' (E. nimble), O.H.G. neman (G. nehmeti) ; of ablaut 
II., A.S. and O.H.G. nam pret. Ablaut III. a. appears in 
A.S. genumen p.p., O.H.G. gmoman. 

(g) ;/-series. 
For example of ablaut I., take Gk. rs/vu — rsv/u ' stretch, 
L. tendo ; of ablaut II., Gk. r'avoc, ' tone,' L. tono'-l thunder,' 
Goth. {iif)-\anjan 'stretch out,' A.S. ^cnnan {e from a by 
/-umlaut) ; of ablaut lll.a., Gk. rdaig ' stretching,' A.S. ^unor 
^thunder,' O.H.G. donar (G. dotiner). 

Most ablaut-formations in Indo-European belong to one 
or other of the various sub-divisions of the d?-series. In fact, 
the dominant position of e and o (or their substitutes) is one 
of the most outstanding features of ablaut. 

The vowel correspondences hat various settings of e- and 



140 Alanual of Linguistics. 

t'-sounds present in Indo-European alternate with each other 
according to a pre-established law of harmony. The appear- 
ance of this or that variety seems conditioned by the work- 
ing of the elements of accentual action, viz., pitch and stress. 

Not that it is permissible to suppose that one original 
vowel, say t\ took on itself in certain circumstances the 
nature and semblance of o, for these appearances were felt 
to be, and were, mutually independent sounds. 

Most likely so much of original individuality as is implied 
in the nomenclature a^ a" (Chap. II. page 17), is to be 
assigned to the forms of the ^-series. To say that the 
sounds appearing in the strong grade of the ^-series have 
been always different to a degree, and without any rap- 
proche7jient, and that their existence has been co-eternal^ 
is perhaps an attempt to solve the dualism by assuming the 
impossibility of its opposite.* 

Sweet says : "Under the acute accent, a became e, under 
the circumflex (the syllable following an acute, unless 
another acute succeed, when the accent is grave), it became 
o, and under the grave, it was dropped altogether." 

Whatever the real conditions may be for the appearance 
of one or other member of the strong grade, whether ornot 
original occurrence under the acute and under the circum- 
flex accent covers all that is implied in the appearance of 
<'-forms and t'-forms — and certainly e has naturally a high, o, 
a low pitch — there is no doubt whatever of the cause that 
gives now strong grade and now weak grade. 

That cause is the presence or absence of the principal 
accent. 

In Sanskrit, which has best preserved the Indo-European 
accentuation, the weak grade vowel, as a rule, occurs in the 
* See the account of Merlo's theory at the end of this chapter. 



AblaiU and Accent. 141 

stem-syllables of words that bear the accent on their in- 
flexional elements, and even in Greek, where recession has 
Avrought havoc on the original free accent, there still 
remains considerable debris to illustrate the conditions that 
induced the weak grade. Note the grade in the following 
Greek words that have preserved the original accent (as 
indeed oxy tones very often have) : — crutrro's, verbal of 
mbhij^ai, Xi'rrsTv, aor. inf. of Xj/tcu. When recession set in, 
the vocalic quality of syllables had been fixed, and did 
not change with the changing accent, e.g., //i£i/, i plu. pres. 
of sJ/j,! ' go,' must originally have had the oxytone accent, 
but the change in accentuation did not alter the vowel. 

With these few remarks the tables ought to be self- 
explanatory. 

There are two distinct forms in the strong grade, and one 
form in the weak grade, with more than one manifestation. 
It will be noticed that the ^-series has attached to it out- 
lying forms with the long vowels e and 0, occurring pre- 
sumably under the same conditions as e and o. In the 
same series the weak grade a is vowelless, e.g., 'rrsffOai, aor. 
inf. of rr'iTOix.ai. 

It is difficult to believe that in forms hke this the loss 
of vowel can be accounted for by a mere lowering of pitch. 
It would seem that the transference of the accent involved 
transference of stress, in fact, that the acute accent was 
accompanied by a strong stress. 

The developed vowel of weak grade b. (written £, &c.) 
can hardly have been pronounced like the same vowel in 
strong grade. The development of the vowel is partly due 
to the necessity of making the form pronounceable, e.g., 
^yxs-rrog, partly due to the analogy of the strong forms. 



142 Alanual of L ingidstics. 

Here follow tables of (2) the ^-series, (3) the (7-series, (4) 
the J-series, (5) the ^-series, (6) the c-series. 









Strong 


Grade 


Weak Grade 








I. 


II. 


III. 










1. 


2. a. 


(no acct.) b. 


(sec. acct.) 


2, 


^-series 


I.E. 


e 


6 





9 






Gk. 


■n 


OJ 




e (for a> 






Teut. 


a} 







a 






Goth. 


e (ai) 


6 




a 






A.S. 


ai 







£e 






O.H.G. 


a 


uo 




a 


3. 


«-series 


I.E. 


a 


6 





3 






Gk. 


a-(77) 


0) 




a 






Teut. 


6 







a 






Goth. 


5 


6 




a 






A.S. 


6 


6 




£E 






O.H.G. 


uo 


uo 




a 


4- 


(7-series 


I.E. 


6 


5 





9 






Gk. 


w 


w 




«(o) 


5- 


a-series 


I.E. 


a 


a 





(a) 






Gk. 


a 


a{7?) 




a 






Teut. 


a 







a 






Goth. 


a 







a 






A.S. 


a 


6 




a 






o.n.G. 


a 


uo 




a 


6. 


tf-series 


I.E. 








0? 


(0) 






Gk. 





u 








There are some who explain the long vowels of the long- 
series as compressions of diphthongic combinations of e 
and with the vowel seen in the weak grade (cp. ei, oi, /). 
But such explanations are very much in the air. 

2. ^-series. 
For example of ablaut I., take Sk. dddhdmi ' I place,' Gk. 



Ablaiit and Accent. 143 

r/t)»j,a/, Goth. gade\s ' deed,' A.S. dfed, O.H.G. tat (G. that) ; 
of ablaut II., Gk. ^w,aos * heap,' Goth, doms ' judgment,' A.S. 
^///, also ^<J ' I do,' O.H.G. tuo;;i, also tiiot ' does' (G. thiin); 
of ablaut 111.^., Sk. dadhmds, i plu. pres. ; of ablaut \\\.b., 
Sk. ddhita, 3 sing, aor., Gk. 'ikro, Osrog. 

3. a-series. 

For example of ablaut I., take Sk. dsthdm i sing, aor., 
Gk. eVrjjv, L. stamen 'warp,' Ablauts I. and II. coincide in 
Teutonic — Goth. std7na ' basis, substance,' stdls ' stool,' A.S. 
stdl, O.H.G. stiiol (G. stiihl). For ablaut III.«., take 
tasthush-, weak stem of part. perf. act. ; for ablaut \\\.b., Sk. 
sthitds past part., Gk. araTog, (STdsig, L. statid, Goth. sta\>s 
'shore,' A.S. stcc'^, O.H.G. stado (G. staden). 

4. ^7-series. 

Brugmann gives no Teutonic illustrations of this ablaut. 
Ablauts I. and II. coincide. For example, take Sk. ddddmi, 
Gk. o'lhuijA, dwpov, L. doHum. Of ablaut 111.(7., take as 
examples, L. de-d-l ; of ablaut \\\.b., Sk. ddita (di=d^), 3 
sing, aor., Gk. Mvog 'gift,' L. dattis. In hor'og^ doTr,p, sdoro, 
form-association brings in 0. 

5. ^-series. 

For example of ablaut I., take Sk. bhdgas ' distributer ; ' of 
ablaut II., bhdgas ' share, lot,' Gk. (pny'^i ' oak,' L. fdgus 
' beech,' A.S. ^^J^ 'beech,' O.H.G. buohha (G. buche). 

There are some examples of an ^/-series, e.g., ablaut I., 
Sk. edhas 'firewood,' Gk. al^u 'kindle,' L. aedes 'hearth, 
house,' A.S. dd 'pyre,' dst 'kiln' (E. oast-house), O.H.G. 
eit 'pyre'; ablaut lll.a., Sk. idhmds 'firewood,' Gk. 
Uafog ' serene, pure ' ; of ablaut III.^^., L. Idas {nodes) ' the 
clear nights,' A.S. Idel 'empty' (E. idle), O.H.G. ital. 
* pure, clear ' (G. eitel). 



1 44 Mamcal of L inguistics. 

6. f-series. 
Ablaut I. and ablaut III.^^. coincide. For an example of 
ablaut I. take Gk. o5,a?5, L. odor ; of ablaut II., sOwWj 'sweet- 
smelling.' Teutonic instances are infrequent. 

According to the tables, each family of words has a triple- 
barrelled root, and from each of the barrels have been shot 
those formations that affect the several ablauts. There can 
then, from a practical point of view, be no question of the 
root of a word, but only of the root-forms that find exemplars. 

These radical trigemini need not, however, be taken too 
literally. 

All three forms are not always found, indeed, some weak 
grades of great antiquity occur, which have no strong forms 
ranking with them, e.g., &pac-og. The guna theory, that 
original / and ti^ by the action of a multiplier a, gave pro- 
ducts ai and au, which in European branched off into ai, ei, 
oi, and au, en, ou, must with the establishment of the 
mutual independence of the root-forms be given up. 

The fact that certain formations favour certain ablauts 
may be illustrated from Greek. Irregularities are due to 
form-association, or false analogy, as it is called. Late 
formations may also from the beginning take on them an 
ablaut different from that proper to original examples of the 
same formation. The accentuation also is not always what 
the ablaut postulates. 

In verbal formations, ablaut I. is the ablaut proper to {a) 
the active singular of non-thematic presents — uij^i (cp. //itv), 
^-/],a/ (cp. (pafiiv) (non-thematic = suffixing inflexional ele- 
ments directly to root or stem, without the intervention of 
the thematic vowels e and o) — ■/.ifij.ai^ non-thematic middle 
with strong root, shows irregularity — (/') the active and 



A blatit and Accent. 1 45 

middle, singular and plural, of thematic presents that belong 
to the first or M/7-class of the Sanskrit grammars — 'iyy, 
dtpu, fiido/xai ' spare,' (psvyc>j (c) the futures, active and 
middle — T£,a-4/w, xs/Vo/xa/, rzXi-jmixai {d) the first aorists, 
active and middle — iXs^a, sdiim, ippsuffa (e) the first aorist 
passive — larpifSriv, h-rs/gdriVj s'TTVi-JaSriv. 

In nominal formations, ablaut I. appears in {a) £s-stems — 
/3sA05, nTyjc, Zivyog, su/Mivyjc, but /Satloc (also iShdog), rrddog, 
Spdeog, zparog have conformed to the vowel of I3a6{jg, s'Tradov, 
6pa(S-jg, y.par-og {/?) nouns in -ag — a's/.ag ' brightness ' (c) 
nouns in -rup, -Trip, -''»!?, -"^I^ov — ^rivrup, cCkilvrrig 'trainer,' 
-^i'drng, (pspsrpov ' bier ' (d) nouns in -/xar- and-//.wv — ccrif'/xa, 
XsT/J!.fia, ysiJaa 'taste,' T=p/j,uv ' boundar}',' mv/Muv 'lung'(^) 
comparatives and superlatives in -ic>jv, -isrog — -/.ipdicuv, /xByiffrog; 
Mffffuv and sXdasuv are new formations, on the model of 
lia-Kpog [MadGujv, made after the nasality of their root-vowel 
had disappeared (the theoretical forms would have been 
hyyjMv, iXiyyJojv) {/) words in -avog, -avov, av/], -ovt] — 
arsyavog 'covered,' Xii-^^avov 'remnant,' spKavrj 'fence,' iSsXov/} 
' needle,' but these also appear with ablaut II. — yc(f)a\/og 
' melting-pot,' opyavov, opxdvri ' enclosure.' 

In verbal formations, ablaut II. is the ablaut proper to 
{a) the singular of the perfect active (sometimes the weak 
ablaut of the plural has asserted itself in the singular) — 
'X£':rofL(pa, XiXoyya (also i'tXriya,, on the model of siXri<poi), 
eiXriXovda, but, except in the last example, iu in the perfect 
has ousted ou, e.g., rsTsvya, 'zi(ps-jya (e) derived verbs in 
-£(/)cu — (popsu, OToiy^scAj, ' stand in a row.' 

In nominal formations, ablaut II. appears in (a) nouns 
in -£j$ — yovsvg (povvjg (J?) many stems in and n — doi86g, 
eroTyo; ' row,' (popog, ffKO'^rj, (SoX^, but spyov and Xivxog have 

K 



1 46 ]\Iaiitial of L inguistics. 

ablaut I., and '(^xjy'ov and <p'ojri ablaut III. {c) stems in / — 
Tpoy^ig ' runner,' Tpo--ig ' keel,' but stems in -/6 take both 
ablauts I. and II. — eXt/j, Xot/j ' scale ' (d) many nouns in-a3 
— hopxdg and (poiTug ' one wandering about,' but (pvydg, &c., 
with ablaut III. (e) nouns and adjectives in -/^og {-i/Mg, 
-aij.og), and nouns in -i^ri — voriMog ' fate,' 'kaifiog ' plague,' 
yovitiog ' productive,' TrXox.a/j.og ' curl,' op/j^rj, but dip/juog has 
conformed to the other members of the group (dspog, &c.), 
the original ablaut vowel being seen in hatin formus. Some 
nouns in -//.os take ablaut I., and Ti/ji.ri shows ablaut III, 

In verbal formations, ablaut III. is the ablaut proper to 
(a) the dual and plural active, and the entire middle, of non- 
thematic present indicatives, which originally received the 
accent on the terminations — //xsi' '/rov (cp. sJ/xi), (pa/xiv (parov 
(cp. f '/jz-t/'), but sff'Msv ign, &c., have conformed, as may be 
seen from Sk. smcis, L. sunt us, and to the optative and par- 
ticiple of the same presents — (pairiv, (pdinvog (l)) reduplicated 
non-thematic presents — Gk. TVi-TXa/jt.si/ (Sk. piprmds) {c) 
reduplicated thematic presents — yiyvofj.ai (cp. yhog), Ti'TrTu 
(cp. rriro/xai) (d) presents with inceptive suffix -ffx — Tuff^oj 
= 'r;/6s-/.cij (cp. -TTsvdog), fdsxM (cp. p?3/^/) (1?) certain verbs 
of the /(9/cz-class or div-cXo.ss of Sanskrit — jSaXXu = /3//w 
(cp. iS'sXog), (pahoj = p;//w (cp. '!rs(pnm), but many verbs 
of this class take ablaut I. — rsivu = rsi'/c>j, ffriXXu = STsXiu, 
(pdsipu — fdsp/u (/) verbs of the fu-class — /j^iyi^vfii, d'yvvju,/ (cp. 
sdya), but dsix'^ufj./ and ^i-Jyrj/j.i with ablaut I. ; these verbs 
correspond to the Sanskrit su- and /a^i- classes, which form in 
reality one class, {ox sun6mi:su-nD-mi\\tan67ni:t)}-nd-mi (g) 
nasal formations in av-, with double nasal, and when fol- 
lowed by / — dij^apTdvcu (cp. vrifj^ipr^g ' unerring '), 'Twddvo/xai 
(cp.mvaofMai), uvddvu 'please ' (cp. sdda), ipvdam/xai 'become 



A blazU and Accent. i^y 

red,' Tirpaivoj 'pierce' (cp. rslpu) [h) the dual and plural 
indicative active, optative and participles active, and the 
entire middle of the second aorist of ,a/-verbs (the singular 
indicative active has strong root, and the strong vowel of 
the singular has often been driven through the other per- 
sons) — iSdrriv, g/Saf, /3a/jji' (cp. s/3»3i') ; s'zrdiMTi'j (cp. sVrjji') ; 
syJjij.rtVj iaai/xTiv (cp. 5%«L)a, sWsua, which are not sigmatic 
aorists with a dropped, but root-aorists, with an ablaut I. 
that originally only occurred in the singular (cp. for a 
similar alternating ablaut the ^ri and 6s of the imperfect of 
ridniMi) — a : ?] : : *j : £i» — the terminal a is for m) (/) the 
ordinary second aorist — sV.roi. (cp. stw), 'i7<.Tavov = l%Tno'j 
(cp. -/.Tshu = HTSvicfj), sXi'Tov (cp. Xs/Vw), sfuyov (cp. (psvyu), 
'sXa[3ov (cp. X?j'\|/0(aa/), the original accent appearing in in- 
finitives and participles — -vidsTv, <7ridu)v ; some aorists take irreg- 
ularly ablaut I. — 'irt/iov, uipeXov (J) the second or strong 
aorist passive — ifJ,r/'/jv, s^uyriv, edpdai^v (cp. dip-/(.ofiai),srd-/.7iv (cp. 
rsrjjjca), but S'T/.sxtji', a variant of fc7/.axjjv, has conformed to 
'jtXstiu, and others to other strongs ; (/c) the dual and plural 
active, and all the middle of the perfect indicative as also 
the optative and participles active and middle (the singular 
active has, as we saw, ablaut II.) — 'fr/.TOv si/cryiv (cp. hr/.a), 
h-i-nt^/Msv (cp. --S'-roiOa), 'iffrov '/d/jt,sv IBvTa (cp. o?5a), nrXairiv 
(cp. T£rX7i-/,a), c7vrj}.-jda/Msv (cp. s!X7;}.ovda), .ai/xaroi- /zj/xa/xsv 
fie/Maoog (cp. /zs/xoi/a), 'iffrarov sffra/j^sv (cp. effr^xa). Confor- 
mation, however, has as a rule made the strong form prevail 
throughout the active. Ablaut III. prevails pretty generally 
in the middle — /zs/x/y/xa/, -/.s^v/jLai, serpa/j,,aai, }.$}Mff/j.ai (cp. 
XsXrjda). Verbs like }.sycj necessarily insert an s in '/.y/j, of the 
theoretical ablaut III., e.g., >AXiy/jbai. Ablaut III., in these 
cases, resembles ablaut I., and has given rise \.o analogical 



1 48 Manna/ of L ingtdstics. 

formations, where the correct ablaut might have appeared, 
e.g., •-i--7.i'y,u.at, which modelhng after 5T>.ax?3i/ might have 
appeared as 'rrsrryMyiJ.ai. 

In nominal formations, ablaut III. appears in {a) verbal 
adjectives in -rfj; and -ring — or/Tr&g 'pressed' (cp. ff-iijSoj), 
pvrog (cp. ps[f')c>j), (parog (cp. (pri'u) ^ Asxrog from /.jyw and 
'ixrog from 'iy^c/) inserted an s, and on these many analogical 
formations have been modelled, e.g., cr^i-rijc for erpa-rog • 
forms dsizTsog, rrvjsroc, &c., also occur ; kHz and 5&roc, &c., 
assume a vowel which graphically is the same as that of the 
strong grade forms ; note also ttjxt-oc, with the long vowel 
oi 'rrj'yv\iij.i: nouns in -roc and rr^ take ablaut II. — -/.oTrog, 
(Spovry] (/;) abstract nouns in // (-m) which originally had accent 
on suffix — Tiff-ig, 'rdffig=r;jffig (cp. ^1^^= tswoj), ■/.dp(rig=-/.rgig 
' a clipping ' (cp. ziipoj = -/.ipt^ui), (pang (cp. pyi/J^i). In t';ff/r and 
ocgig, instead of the regular a, s and appear, compare 
krog and SoTog above ; forms like Xs^/?, &c., develop an =, 
and have been the starting-point for many similar forma- 
tions (r) certain adjectives ending in -pog, with accent on 
suffix — spvdpoc, y/.uy.ipog, /j,a-/.p6g (cp. /M'/jy.Krrog) (d) oxytone 
adjectives in --jg — !Sad\jg = l5n&vg (cp. ^h&og), y'/.v/.-jg (cp. 
a/Asyx'/^c 'sour'), but oy/.-jg and '^^ic with strong root. 

Latin, as has been already remarked, is not at all sensi- 
tive to vowel-variation, and furnishes but a meagre supply 
of illustrations of ablaut. One or other form has prevailed, 
and levelling has robbed the vocalism of its variety. 

It is however necessary to give a little more information 
about the Latin ablaut than that furnished by the stray 
examples already noted. Perhaps there is no example in 
Latin of a root with triple forms, unless that is to be found 
in fido {feido) : foedus {foidiis) : fides : : ts/^w : rrs'xoida : 



Ablaut and Accent. 1 49 

moToc,. There is only one objection to be made to this 
proportion, and that is, that ^^-stems regularly take ablaut 
I., cp. nr^og, &c., as above.* 

Examples of roots with two forms occur in : — (ablauts 
I. and II.) secpior (iik^iloli) and socius {h~dm 'attendant'), 
tego {(sriyu) and foga, nex (vUvi) and noceo ; (ablauts I. and 
III.) fero (ipspca) and /ors (bhrtf-), dico (deico, diix,rj/M) and 
d2a's causa 'for form's sake,' df/ro {deuco) and dux ducis; 
(ablauts II. and III.) inoneo and vicns (Sk. matis, mntf-). 

Verbs like /^^J (ablaut I.) and tcmdeo (ablaut II.) dominate 
with their ablauts their respective word-groups. 

In verbs like sci/idd,Jiifigd, &c., and their cognates, ablaut 
III. appears. 

In Gothic, original differences in root-vowels remain 
fenced off quite absolutely. From verbal forms, and verbal 
forms alone, we may get in Teutonic illustrations of most of 
the ablaut-series. The principal parts (inf., pret. sing., pret. 
plu., p.p.) of the verbs in Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, and Old 
High German, will thus furnish an excellent mnemonic for 
ablaut-vowels in their respective languages. 

Ablaut I. appears in the inf., ablaut II. in pret. sing., 
ablaut in. in pret. plu. (except in gebum, geafon =grefon, 
gdbun ; berum, bclron, bdrun, where the outlying long vowel 
of the ^-series appears) and p.p. In the a-series ablaut II. 
appears in pret. plu. as well as in pret. sing. A reference to 
the tables will establish the regularity of the vowel repre- 
sentation. 

* Victor Henry suggests \.\\z.ifoedus may have changed its declension 
(orig. second) to avoid confusion with the dLd]GC\.\\Q foedus. ¥ot potidus, 
the other example of an ej--stem with ablaut II., a similar explanation 
is probable (cp. pondo in Livy, &c.). 



I50 



Manual of Linginstics. 



Gothic verbs come first, then Anglo-Saxon, then Old 
High German, afterwards follow Greek forms with the same 
ablaut, for comparison. 



I, 


. ^-series giban 


gaf 


gebiim 


gibans 




giefan 


geaf 


geafon 


giefen gifen 




geban 


gab 


gabun 


gigeban 




(N.H.G. ggben 


gab 


gaben 


gegeben) 




TT^TO/xat 


■KOT-q ' fligl 


It' 


i-irr6^r\v 




Palatal g before e, se, and ai gives in 


Anglo-Saxon 


gie (gi), gea, gea. 


2. 


^2-series dreiban 


draib 


dribum 


dribans 




drifan 


draf 


drifon 


drifen 




triban 


treib 


tribun 


gitriban 




(N.H.G. treiben 


trieli 


trieben 


getrieben 




XetTTw 


XeXotTra 


eKiTTOv 


3- 


ez/-series kiusan 


kaus 


kusum 


kusans 




ceosan 


ceas 


curon 


coren 




kiosan 


kos 


kurun 


gikoran 




(N.H.G. kiesen 


kor 


koren 


gekoren) 




eXei;(TO|Uat 


el\T]Kov6a. 


^Xi 


'Oov 




The io in O. H.G. kiosan is 


due to the foll( 


Dwing a. 


4- 


(?;'-series bairan 


bar 


berum 


baurans 




beran 


bul- 


bitron 


boren 




beran 


bar 


barun 


giboran 




/N.H.G. gebaren(-) 
^Luther geberen 


gebar 


gebaren 


geb5ren\ 










Mpiii 


oop6, ' hide 


3 


Sapro's or dparos 


5- 


e«-series driggkan 


draggk 


druggkum 


druggkans 




drincan 


dranc 


druncon 


druncen 




trinkan 


trank 


trunkun 


gitrunkan 




(N.H.G. trinken 


trank 


tranken 


getrunken) 




Teicco — Ttviu rbvo% 


rera/aat 


— Tern/xai 


6. 


a-series dragan 


drog 


drogum 


dragans 




dragan 


dr5g 


drogon 


dragen 




tragan 


truog 


Iruogun 


gitragan 




(N.H.G. tragen 


trug 


trugen 


getragen) 




670 


(JT, 


ari)-^6% 


dyos ' leader.' 



AhlmU and Accent. 1 5 1 

There is thus an extensive use of ablaut for form-building 
and form-differentiation in the Teutonic verbal system. Sweet 
says that this big manipulation of vowels in verbal formation 
may be due in some measure to the influence exerted on 
Teutonic by the Ural-Altaic languages (Finnish, Magyar, 
Turkish, Mongol, &c.) spoken in close proximity for many 
centuries, which are dominated by a law of vocalic harmony 
that, to speak generally, requires that one class of vowels 
(these are divided into strong, weak, and neutral) should 
obtain in the various syllables of a word. At any rate the 
adaptation of vowel-differences to the expression of tense- 
distinctions, with which, being due to accentual action, 
these differences had originally nothing to do, owes much 
to a long striving after symmetry. 

Towards the close of the Middle English period the 
ablaut of the pret. plu. was accommodated to that of the 
pret. sing., a state of things which is reflected in Modern 
English — drink, I drank and 7ve drank, drunk. 

In the southern dialects the vowels of the preterite and 
participle are identical, the deeper vowel having always 
prevailed, so that now there are but two ablaut forms in the 
somewhat insignificant number of verbs that still, with an 
added weak ending, exhibit vowel change. 

In the New High German forms it will be noticed that 
the tendency is to assimilate the vowels of the pret. sing, 
and pret. plu. in quality and in quantity, — N.H.G. gdl> 
gdben for O.H.G. gab gdbun, &c. 

For O.H.G. J, N.H.G. has the diphthong ^/— N.H.G. 
treiben for tr'iban. Compare the representation of O.H.G. 
II by N.H.G. rt/^— N.H.G. haus for O.H.G. has. 

In the pret. sing, of ir'iban, d has been lost, and the 



1 5 2 Manual of L inguistics. 

vowel of the plural and the past participle assumed. This 
has become a long / (written ie) by the law which ordains 
that a short vowel becomes long in New High German 
when it occurs in an open syllable, i.e., when followed by 
one consonant and a vowel. 

For O.H.G. truog, N.H.G. has ifhg. For uo simplified 
into //, compare the simplification of ie into I (written ie). 

Of the ablaut that once had a definite place in declension 
there are, save in Sanskrit, scant remains. The condition 
of things that the Anga, Pada, and Bha bases disclose in 
Sanskrit declension must have had its analogue elsewhere. 
Conformation however has effaced the plurality of stems that 
once figured in declension. One language has generalised 
one form, another, another, e.g., in the word (ox foot, Greek 
has generalised the o, Latin the e, and Teut. the 5 — Gk. -Troha 
(Dor. Twg), but cp. ^rs^a, L. pedem, Goth, fitus, A.S. fot, 
O.YL.G. fiiof {G, fuss). 

The Indo-European declension is said to have been 
this : — 

N. pods D. pdai (bdai) 

Ace, podm or podm G. pdos (bdos) 

L. pedi 
Gk, iTTiSdai ' day after the^ feast ' is usually given as an 
example of the weakest stem. 

In words like Gk. Xsvzog, gen. "kroxoZ, a curious result has 
been reached. The strong ablaut of the nominative argues 
for an original accent on the stem syllable, but the genitive 
which retain its original accent must have had originally 
weak ablaut, A sort of phonic contaiimiatio has been the 
result with the vocalisation of the nominative and the 
accentuation of the genitive. 



Ablaut and Accent. 1 53 

Sundry remarks have several times been made on the 
influence of accent on ablaut, and in this chapter it will be 
quite fitting to set forth some facts about accent in Indo- 
European and the languages that have sprung from it. 

First, then, as regards place, the Indo-European accent — 
naturally a word-accent, and confined, in the same circum- 
stances, to the syllable chosen — was free, and could rest on 
any syllable, whatever the quantity. That this is so, can be 
proved from the accented Sanskrit of the Vedas, from a 
proper interpretation of the phenoma of Greek accentuation, 
and from the effects of accentual action established by 
Verner's Law. 

The correct historical account of Greek accentuation is 
not that which assumes recession as a first principle and 
explains divergences as exceptions, but that larger view 
which discerns that recession proper is an intrusion upon a 
state of things in which each syllable was mutually eligible 
for accentuation. 

Verner's Law (see Chap, on Grimm's Law) revealed in 
Teutonic the workings of another mode of accentuation than 
the historical root-accentuation. 

The corroboration that accentual facts in Greek and 
Teutonic find in Vedic Sanskrit goes to prove the primitive- 
ness of the free accent in Indo-European. What principle 
regulated the session of the accent, now on one syllable and 
now on another in words and word-groups, is not, and can 
in the nature of things hardly ever be known. 

Among the Indo-European languages Sanskrit as a rule 
retains the original position of this free accent. Very often, 
in spite of many divergences, a free accent that obtains in 
Lithuanian furnishes results that corroborate those furnished 



1 5 4 Ma mtal of L ingu is tics. 

by the Sanskrit. Strange to say, Lettish, a language which 
can be converted into Lithuanian, if certain laws of letter 
change are carried out, has dropped free accentuation and 
adopted initial. This but illustrates the truth, of which there 
are many examples, that accentual systems are most mutable. 

Russian still preserves specimens of the original free 
accent. Bohemian, like Lettish, accents the first syllable. 
Polish has generaUsed the penult accent. Cymric (Welsh) 
has done the same. Keltic (Irish) shows an initial accent. 
Teutonic has developed a radical, which, except in com- 
pound verbs is practically an initial accent, due doubtless 
to the generalisation of those accent-types that already on 
the old system had the accent on the root. 

It is plain from what has been said, that languages start- 
ing with a similar accentual system may depart from this, 
and each, in different areas, and following out its own bent, 
reach an identical result. 

Greek of course retains many instances of accents in the 
original position. In fact, resistance to recession is fairly 
reliable presumptive evidence of primitive accentuation. 
The position proper to recession may evidently also be that 
which was occupied by the free accent formerly in vogue. 

Modern Greek has a stress accent on the same syllable on 
which historic Greek had a pitch {plus stress ?) accent. Stress 
then has taken the place of pitch (or, to follow Sweet, ' the 
stress has been kept while the intonation has been set 
free'). But it would appear that the musical accent may 
still be heard in some parts of Greece. J. T. Bent in 
Macmillan's Magazine for August 1883 speaks of a Chian 
pronunciation of uvdpM'roz, in which musical cadence is 
present and the quantity of the w preserved. 



A blaut and Accent. 1 5 5 

Latin is dominated by a new law of accentuation. Bary- 
tonesis has prevailed. The law (excepting monosyllables 
and certain particles) is simply this : — If the penult is long, 
it carries the accent, if short, the antepenult carries it. 
Spellings, however, like conficid (through cdnfacio), and cog- 
nitus (through cdgnoti/s), argue the previous existence of 
another than the historic mode of accentuation. 

So much for the position of the Indo-European accent — 
what about its nature ? Was it one of pitch or of stress, 
was it musical or expiratory ? 

In the Old Italic dialects, in Keltic, in Teutonic, and 
Lithuanian, we have to deal with expiratory accent ; in 
Sanskrit and Old Greek, the accent is said to have been 
musical. 

That the accent in Greek was musical seems to follow 
from the very names given to the accents, from the fact that 
in Greek poetry the ictus is independent of the accent, from 
the fact that, as a rule, the syllables that follow the accent 
are not subject to weathering, not to mention the com- 
mitting language made use of by the ancients in discussing 
accent. 

Brugmann says that Sanskrit and Greek could hardly, if 
the accent had been expiratory, have kept so well the old 
inherited condition of the sonants. 

Since, according to the same authority, Sanskrit and 
Greek, as separate languages, hardly ever require the 
assumption of expiratory accent to explain phonetic 
changes, it follows that contrasts like 'TrkroiMai Trssdai, 
which, as has been said, do seem to require more than 
a lowering of tone to account for the loss of the vowel must 



156 Manual of L ingitistics. 

be referred to the pre-separation period. This postulates 
for said period the prevalence of expiratory accent. 
Brugmann comes to the conclusion that the Indo-European 
accent was at first mainly expiratory, but that towards the 
close of the joint period it had become mainly musical, a 
stage which is represented in Sanskrit and Greek. Verner 
was of opinion that the original accent was musical 
(chromatisch). 

The following quotation exhibits Sweet's opinion on the 
matter : — " Intonation is not necessarily associated with 
stress, but there is a strong natural connection between 
them, and the history of the Arian (Sweet prefers this to 
Aryan) languages shows clearly that in them high tone was 
accompanied with strong stress, for the weakening and 
dropping of vowels in unemphatic syllables, which is carried 
to such an extent in parent Arian, cannot be explained as 
due to mere lowering of tone." 

Some account will now be given of the origin of the 
recessive accent in Greek, as expounded in Bloomfield's 
masterly articles in the American Journal of Philology 
(Vol. IV., p. 21.; Vol. IX., p. I.). 

Recession is seen at its height in the finite verb. It has 
effected a lodgment there that argues verbal quality and 
verbal origin. The verb is the nidus for diffusion, and in 
the verb, recession is the mode in which a fact in sentence- 
accentuation finds expression. To use Bloomfield's words, 
' recession is a substitute for enclisis.' The Indo-European 
finite verb, in principal clauses, functioned as an enclitic. 
This is reflected in Sanskrit, where the verb in principal 
clauses (except when first word of the clause, or in 



Abla2it and Accent. 157 

antithetical construction, &c.), is enclitic, and in subordinate 
clauses, orthotone. 

In Greek, the enclisis must have affected the finite verb 
as a whole. Its substitute, recession, works under certain 
restrictions. Only two syllables are left unaccented, and 
not more than three moras (the mora is the unit of 
quantity). The word must end in a trochee, before three 
moras can be left without an accent. In accentuations like 
xjjcroii, it is the second of the two moras constituting the 
long vowel that bears the accent. 

The same limitations obtain in ordinary enclisis — 
av6pu--oi Tig, rraTblg rivsg, Xoyoi Ting. The similarity of the 
conditions that fetter ordinary enclisis and recession is most 
significant and suggestive. 

It ought to follow that, in the absence of the aforesaid 
restrictions, the finite verb in Greek is still enclitic. And 
this is so. The verbs 11,'j/i and (pr,iM are enclitic, and they 
are the only verbs that throughout a whole tense present 
conditions favourable for enclisis. Take £/,a/ {u), hri, 
effTov, loTov, Bfffjysv, SOTS, iiGi, and <priij/i {'py'ii), ^r,Gi, parov, 
(parov, (pafMsv, <paTs, ipaffi. In not one form have we to apply 
the rule. These forms exhibit and prove the original 
enclisis of the finite verb. 

As to the non-enclitic character of bi" and p/;g, the 
orthotonesis can be accounted for. u, if it be not considered 
an Attic late form, and subsequent to the establishment of 
enclisis, is a reduction of sfft, Sk. dsi (the reduction of the 
s of the root, and the s of the suffix (cp. s-sff; for scrsffgi) took 
place in the primitive period), and may be considered to 
have taken after the numerous circumflexed contractions 
that were in process of formation during its reduction. 



1 5 S ManiLal of L ingii istics. 

<pyii, as is natural with the person addressed in a verb of 
saying, occurs only in subordinate clauses, or in co-ordinate 
clauses that are interrogative, or point an antithesis. 

(phii then, escaped the enclisis that beset the other 
persons of the tense, owing to its natural usage in 
subordinate or antithetical clauses, where enclisis did not 
have a footing. 

Enclitic ?(Sri also appears as the non-enclitic 'ian at the 
beginning of a clause, or when preceded by a word too weak 
to receive a receding accent. 

Exemption from the enclisis of principal clauses accounts 
too for the retention of the etymological accent by infinitives 
and participles, and that even when compounded. 

Some other facts in Greek accentuation that are doubt- 
less due to the play of sentence-accent may be mentioned 
here, such as — {a) the appearance of the acute as a grave, 
when followed by a full word ; if) the accentuation that 
differentiates interrogatives and indefinites, e.g., rig and 
rig ; (c) the existence of proclisis, which naturally is lifted in 
emphatic positions, oh freeing itself at the end of a sentence, 
&c., w; and it,, when occurring after the conjoined word — 
as to 6 and h (Sk. so. and so), these were at least helped 
towards proclisis by a desire to differentiate them from the 
relatives o and ^', o'l and «/ following their analogy ; {d) the 
behaviour of dissyllabic prepositions in and out of ana- 
strophe; of their positions, that in which the so-called 
anastrophe occurs is the more ancient, and its accent the 
more original, the oxytone accent of the prepositions in 
their later position being really a substitute for the proclisis 
that is seen in monosyllables like J^ (proclisis admits of 
tonelessness only in monosyllables) : that the paroxytone, 



Ablaitt and Accent. 159 

speaking generally, was the original accent of dissyllabic 
prepositions, is proved by the fact that the Sk. cognates are 
of this accent — l'~l, •-ipi, >to (Sk. dpi, peri, upa), and by 
the fact that, when used as adverbs, the prepositions bear 
the paroxytone accent. 

Recession established in the verb passed to the noun. 
The procedure was by analogy. Certain nominal types 
that in volume of sound were numerically and quantitatively 
the equivalent of the frequent work-a-day verbal types 
adopted in certain sympathetic conditions their intonation 
also. 

These fresh creations would reinforce the nominal types 
that already on the old system had the accentuation that 
recession would have given. The accentual types thus 
established among nouns became a force in determining 
the accent of differently accented nouns that might be 
associated with them. The types that accorded with the 
new law were widely generalised. 

Common words would become the nucleus of groups 
that affected the new, or, it may be, retained the old accen- 
tuation. 

This is Bloomfield's account of recession. It is pre- 
ferable to Wheeler's. The latter claims that recession was 
not verbal in its origin, but due to the action of a phonetic 
law affecting the whole language, and operating by the 
development of a secondary accent (afterwards in part the 
principal accent) that rested on the third mora from the 
end, or, in polysyllables of trochaic ending, on the fourth 
mora. 

It ought to be mentioned that Brugmann has adopted 
Wheeler's theory in his account of Greek accent. 



1 60 Manual of L inguistics. 

Before closing this cliapter it may not be out of place to 
say that quantity has a certain, though not necessary rela- 
tion to accent, and that the quality of a long syllable is 
probably not so even nor so pure as that of its correspond- 
ing short. 



The only systematic attempt known to me to elucidate the relation 
between the e- and o-grades is that made by the late Pietro Merlo in 
an essay entitled ' Ragione del permanere dell' A e del suo mutarsi in 
E{0) sin dair eta protoariana.' In this, M-hile distinctly admitting the 
existence of e and in the latter portion of the joint period, he inclines 
to the belief that, in the earlier portion, these vowels were both still 
latent in an unstable a with no definite point of articulation. 

It was, of course, in full-grown words that the conditions for vowel- 
play in general were first definitely presented. The original dissyllabic 
root-forms present in words were afterwards so blended with the suffixes 
as to look like monosyllabic roots. 

Under the action of the acute accent, helped by the frequent presence 
of a terminal-/ (cp. Gk. ixi, ai, tl), these unstable as passed in verbal 
forms to e; on an alteration of the cadence of the accent there followed 
in a labial neighbourhood a colouring into 0. This labial neighbour- 
hood must have often been present in nominal forms owing to the fre- 
quent occurrence in these of an -w, e.g., in the accusative and in neuter 
nouns. 

Naturally it was in phrases rather than in words that the swing of a 
nmsical accent helped to introduce vowel-colouring. We may suppose 
that a word had two lives, its sentence-life, and its individual life. So 
far as the latter is concerned, we have to remember that accentual 
change involves vowel-loss rather than vowel-change to the syllable 
concerned. 

Perhaps the differentiation exhibited in vowel-colouring was par- 
ticularly used to distinguish verbal from nominal forms. It is a fact 
that of the two ablauts of the strong grade the e-ablaut is the more 
common in verbal forms. There are not so many verbal forms with 
the o-ablaut — oedopKa, Trerro/x^a, &c., and <popiw, &c. (popeu is a 



Ablaut and Accent. i6i 

verb formed from a nominal base, and perhaps the perfects may l)e 
explained from the side of the noun. 

The coincidence of this difilerence in vowel with a difference in func- 
tion would give to vowel-colouring an established position in word- 
formation. Afterwards, when the existence of full verbal and nominal 
systems furnished other characteristics for the two classes, and supplied 
numerous bonds of attachment between members of the same class, 
there did not exist the same impulse to utilise vowel-colouring, and 
verbal formations with the o-, and nominal formations with the e-ablaut 
became things of common occurrence. 

It is to be supposed, too, that the action of analogy often helped to 
obliterate functional distinctions. 

Merlo's theory of the origin of e forces him to give some explanation 
of the rt's that have remained. 

The final / that helped to bring in e was characteristic of active 
verbs, was a mark of transitiveness. Intransitive verbs were likely to 
retain the a, unaffected as it was by the attractive force of an i (com- 
pare the diphthongs -fxcn, -aai, -rai, in the Greek middle). 

Merlo gives a list of words where the a (real a is meant, not the auxi- 
liary a of Unguals and nasals) has persisted alongside of the e of cognate 
words. It is necessary to affiliate the former to intransitive verbal 
forms. It must be confessed, however, that many of the relationships 
set down are far-fetched and some of them improbable. As specimens 
of his examples take patc7-e, petere; parens, -pescere {percsere); angor. 

Verbs with the vowel a that are now palpably transitive, such as 
a7w, may be supposed to have put on transitiveness at a comparatively 
late date {agere has distinct intransitive uses), or to have had their 
vowel conserved by the influence of cognate intransitives. 

It is undoubtedly true that the e of the new and vigorous formation 
would get extended beyond its sphere. It is also true that neuter verbs 
may in virtue of their meaning pass naturally into transitive verbs. 



CHAPTER VII. 

grimm's law. 

It will be well to gather together into one chapter the facts 
that relate to Grimm's Law, and to add needful explana- 
tions and comments. It will also be expedient to use in 
this chapter nomenclature as simple and as accurate as 
possible. 

The bare facts relating to this Law have already been 
fully set down in Chap. IV. 

Perhaps the first fact in the domain of law that one 
hears of in connection with linguistics, is the fact of the 
existence of Grimm's Law. Many a guess, perhaps 
crude, perhaps plausible, has been elbowed out of court 
by its means. Undoubtedly its application and the test 
of truth it furnished, have contributed most powerfully 
towards changing what was previously a mere science of 
guessing into a rational science, not the least part of the 
reason and precision of which has been got from its 
pioneer in the pursuit of truth — the science of phonetics, 
the science that admits of no exceptions to its laws. 

Grimm's Law is one of the weightiest facts in consonantal 
phonetics. And provided that it is recognised that other laws 
may traverse the field of its operations ; provided, especially, 
that it is remembered that the law is an induction based on 
many facts, but not on all, and that trouble has been taken 
to learn how that residue of facts has been explained and 



Grimms Lata. 163 

grouped ; provided too, that it is not forgotten that the 
second change was never fully carried out, one must sub- 
serviently respect this, as all other phonetic laws. 

One must remember that the letters of the formulae do 
not have the same value in each of the terms of compari- 
son, that similar changes took place over less areas and 
with other terms of comparison, and that the scope of the 
law was extended for the sake of theoretical complete- 
ness. To take for granted that hard, soft, and aspirate, 
mean the same in each group, to write as if sounds were 
on a dead level of sameness in the first group, to speak 
then of the inevitableness of the interchange of these fixed 
and unchangeable sounds, to add to this, expressions such 
as * conscious replacement,' is to give the law a super- 
imposed, predestined, and pre-ordained character, or, as an 
alternative, to make the speakers of the languages concerned 
foresee their own development, and work it out consciously 
and of set purpose. 

With regard to that primitive state of the Indo-European 
peoples in which they used the same language, it must not 
be supposed that the original tribes dwelt as next-door neigh- 
bours within circumscribed limits, for they were separated 
by long distances, though still in touch with each other. 
They observed various attitudes toward the sound-norms, 
had certainly much in common, but were also predisposed 
to change in different degrees and along different lines. 
Each family of languages, each system of sounds, had its 
■own idiosyncrasies. 

Perhaps the relation of the sounds of the languages used 
l)y these tribes to those of an earlier parent-speech, more 
or less ideal and the result of analysis, may be fitly com- 



164 



Manual of Linguistics. 



pared in some points to the relation between dialectic 
sounds and the sounds of the standard speech, though here 
the check on change ought to be greater, provided aid is to 
be got from a rational and consistent representation of the 
sounds in writing. 

What then is Grimm's Law ? That will better be under- 
stood at the end of the chapter; meantime, it may be 
defined, by anticipation, as the expression of relations, 
neither isolated in their occurrence, nor extraordinary in 
themselves, that obtain between the consonants of Indo- 
European, General Teutonic, and High German. These 
relations are exhibited in the following table : — 

The examples of the law are taken in G.T. from Anglo- 
Saxon unless when Goth, is prefixed. 





I.E. 












G.T. 




H.G. 




B(reath) 












A(spirate) 




V(oice) 


T 












th\ 


d T § 

/ S 




I> 


P 












F \ 


K / ^ 


F 




K 


A(spirate) 










H 


V(oice) 


H 


B(reath) 


D» 


e 




B, 


F, 


D 


D 


C 
13! 




T 


B' 


^ 


h4 


F, 


H, 


,B 


B 




B 


P 


G' 


X 

V(oice) 




F, 


H. 


G 


G 


B(reath) 


G 


k 

A(spirate) 


D 












T 


d 

a 




TS, S 




















B 












P 







PF, F 


G 












K 




K 


CH 



I.E. 

B(reath) 



Grimins Law. 

Examples. 

G.T. 

A(spirate) 



/ego 
/ateo 

aitis 

A(spirate) 
{dlmx- dhijr-) QvpCi fQX\% 



xwdh-) vowel long 
and short 



rudis 



(bh\x- bheu-) 0uw f\\\ 

{Merb- bhorb-) (pop^r) /^erba 
{d/ia.t-) /^atuere 

{g^/i^ol- ghvel-) xo^°^ /el 
(f//azdha) /^asta 



Cf/^eu) 



Xioi 



Sgccan 

//yd 



^ /aden 

j^ //aut 



V(oice) 



bear^ 
(Airu 

roa? 

/^eon 

/^eadu 
^^"•ealla 



Goth, ^azds 



a 

S 

OJ 

o 



din 



■65 



H.G. 

V(oice) 

a'ecken 



B(reath) 
bari' 



O.H.G. 



Airi 
(thiir) 



O.H.G. ruo/a 

(ruthe) 



^nitta 



^alle 
^erte 
iriessen 



V(oice) 



^ucere 
Sk. sa(5ar 
^enu 



B(reath) 
^eohan 
S£e/ 
rneo 






•^ /C'nie 



A(spirate) 

Ziehen 
sa/t 
O.H.G.f//niu 



Not all the changes are recorded here, but the most notice- 
able for the understanding of the law. I.E. = Indo-Euro- 
pean, for which Indo-Classical might serve ; G.T. = General 
Teutonic, a term including H.G. = High German, which 



1 66 Manual of L inguistics. 

suffered the first change along with the other languages, 
sometimes went no further, and sometimes exhibited both 
the earlier and later changes. In H.G., a capital letter 
indicates the usual, a small letter, the occasional change. 

Low German is a name sometimes given to languages 
other than High German. Its appropriateness, when one 
considers the date of the facts under consideration, is 
questionable. German writers on Teutonic philology do not 
include Anglo-Saxon among Low German dialects. 

Voice and breath are used as decidedly more truthful 
terms than soft and hard, sonant and surd, tenuis and 
media. Aspirate is used for convenience. A vowel as 
initial letter gives, by using as contractions the first letter of 
the above terms, convenient mnemonics B.A.V., A.V.B.,. 
V.B.A. These may be simply remembered. Thus : — Let 

A 

/\ be an equilateral triangle, and name it in succes- 

bZ ^v 

sion from left to right either B.A.V., A.V.B., or V.B.A. 

But besides being in this way convenient, aspirate is a 
fit enough label to describe sounds that differ in Indo- 
European taken by itself, and have a value in General 
Teutonic different from that which they have in Indo- 
European. 

It would appear that it is wrong to represent the Sanskrit 
aspirates by DH, BH, GH. Native Indian scholars ridicule 
the representation, and Mr. Ellis says that in listening to the 
pronunciation of two native scholars, he could detect only a 
glottal buzz after the stop. Exact writers now use D', B', 
G', for the Sanskrit aspirates. 

The Latin aspirates are continuants. As to the Greek 
aspirates, the Romans evidently thought them breath stops 



G7'imm s Law. 167 

followed by something, for they represented them by ch, 
th, ph. 

High German TS ( = ^, S = ss) and PF (//, /) are not 
aspirates at all, but affricates, double sounds opposed to 
spirants. CH is a continuant. For further facts about 
High German consult Chap. IV. 

The d, I>, g written within the V in G.T. B.A.V., are 
produced by the operation of Verner's Law, of which more 
hereafter. 

It will now, after having briefly stated the law, and tabu- 
lated the saUent and representative changes, with examples, 
be proper to speak of some of the changes registered therein. 

To begin with, the changes exemplified are to be seen 
elsewhere, in other groupings, even within the limits of the 
Indo-Classical group. In one language — Armenian — all the 
changes are met with. Proof of a wider extension for the 
facts recorded in the law must contribute much towards an 
explanation of these. If certain phenomena have the attri- 
bute of universality, or even of frequent recurrence, their 
explanation is within measurable distance, or rather, no 
special explanation is needed, for mere difference of degree 
may be easily accounted for. 

The change of breath into aspirate is found in Iranian, 
where p became / before consonants, in Armenian, where 
/ became /' before vowels and medially, in Umbrian, where 
primitive Italian pt became //. To be noticed also are recfe 
and Umbriae re/ife. Utyumi and Sk. sthd, Trdrog and Sk. pa^/i, 
bv/ioiMui and hiyj^fj^ai^ rf stw and TSTpo(pa, Xi^a and akiifu (see, 
however, Moulton's Law, further on). 

The change from aspirate to voice is to be met with 



1 68 Manual of L inguistics. 

in Armenian, where dh became d, and in Iranian, Keltic, 
and Balto - Slavonic, where the voiced aspirates became 
voiced stops. 

As examples of voice into breath, we have in Armenian, 
the change of d and g into t and k, in the Indo-Classical 
group, the change of Sk. hh into Gk. <p and Latin/ both 
breaths. The Latin / afterwards became b in certain 
surroundings, thus illustrating aspirate (spirant) into voiced 
stop. We have also to note such alternations as (S%a--i.vrt, 
O.L. scapres, scabo. Compare also, confining ourselves to 
initial letters, Italian gastigare and goiifiare with castlgdre 
and confldre, Spanish gritar and greda with quir'itdre and 
cretam. 

The changes, then, are not isolated, and many more 
examples might be given; but, in their case, juxtaposition 
and consequent assimilation, or some law of euphony, would 
more manifestly account for the result. It is impossible to 
explain away these examples by their setting : they are too 
general to be explained by any local cause. And in this 
connexion it is well to remember that Grimm's Law in some 
of its features may register the extended scope of small 
beginnings, more or less originated by local causes. At 
anyrate, Brugmann himself begins his explanation of / into 
f, &c., by assigning a local cause to start with. 

It results, then, from the above remarks, that other group- 
ings would furnish more or less of the phenomena of 
Grimm's Law, that, in the Indo-Classical group, and within 
the area of Armenian alone, we have all the features of 
the law represented. 

The facts, then, of the change are to be seen elsewhere. 
It will be well now to consider the nature of the changes. 



Grimms Law. 169 

Are they unique in themselves, or is it their spread and the 
regularity of their occurrence that is most noticeable ? 

The prevalence of the change from breath to aspirate, 
or breath to spirant, is perhaps a sufficient voucher for its 
naturalness, but the change in itself is quite comprehensible. 
Brugmann, in his account of the change of/ and k into 
spirants, says that, to begin with,/ and k, when beside / and 
s, changed into spirants, and finally everywhere else. This 
is to state the doctrine empirically. 

Theoretically, one ought to say that the movements of 
the organs of speech, called into being by the nerves, to 
produce the sounds of / and k, owing to the other sounds 
in their neighbourhood, gradually underwent deflection in 
the direction of the movement required to produce the 
spirants. The sensations that accompany these move- 
ments similarly, underwent change, and also helped to re- 
produce in a succeeding movement an alteration that had 
taken place in a preceding. The stability acquired by 
these sensations, themselves one of the prime agents in 
producing change, induced in all other cases, with the aid 
of the sound-picture they had engraven on the memory, the 
production of said spirants from said breaths, although the 
juxtaposition that initiated the change did not in these 
cases exist. 

However doctrinaire this statement may read, it really is 
necessary in these matters to state precisely what happened, 
and how it happened. The cause of the change is local, 
and an inclination to follow established precedent has 
brought about the rest. The change did not — no change 
does — take place per saltiim. There were intermediate 
halts. In this connexion, Mr. Sweet points out, in his 



I/O Manual of Linguistics. 

History of English Sounds, that spirancy must have beei> 
reached through intermediate aspiration, that t must have- 
become \ through th, otherwise that d would have become i5. 

With regard to the change from aspirate to voice if we 
take D', B', G', as correct representations of the so-called 
aspirates, and remember that Mr. Ellis discovered the 
aspiration to be a mere glottal buzz, what great difficulty 
does the deaspiration present. Place D', B', G', beside 
D, B, G, their Teutonic transmutations, and the change 
does not seem at all difficult, not so difficult, to follow Dr. 
Murray, as the change into the Greek breath aspirates. The 
buzz is simply dropped. If the old representation of the 
aspirates be insisted on, then between aspirate and voiced 
stop there must have intervened the voiced spirant. And 
one consideration seems to require the intervention. Would 
not otherwise the D that had been got from DH (D'), have 
shared the fate of original D, if aspirate into voice was the 
second change and prior to voice into breath. 

The last change, that from voice to breath, has sorely 
puzzled many. It is said that the change is not along the 
line of ease in articulation, that unvoicing is a change from 
an easy to a harder sound. The masters in phonetic science 
seem to find no difficulty here. Sweet says that the change 
took place through whisper, and was more or less direct. It 
is well to remember that unvoicing did not here happen for 
the first time, but that the change that caused the voiced 
aspirates of Sanskrit to appear as breath aspirates in Greek, 
and breath spirants in Latin, is a conspicuous example of 
the same process. 

It is well known, too, how prone Celts and Germans 
are to unvoice voiced sounds. This suggested to Professor 



Grimm s Law. 1 7 1 

March the hypothesis mentioned in his Anglo-Saxon 
Grammar, viz., that the invading Teutons were gradually 
influenced by the Celtic pronunciation of their own 
voiced sounds. 

Assuming that the change is counter to the principle of 
ease in articulation, though the change — say from d the 
point-stop-voiced to / the point-stop-voiceless — does not 
seem a hard one, let us remember (we have it on Paul's 
authority) that ease in articulation is quite a secondary and 
subordinate cause of change. Not that we are to dispense 
with euphony altogether, but let us not forget that euphony 
often offers an explanation that ignores the fact of the inter- 
mediate existence of numerous minute deflections. It is 
not the last link in a chain that enables a junction to be 
effected between two different points, but the whole series 
including the last. 

This would seem to be the place to refer to a suggestion 
thrown out by Mr. Conway in a recent number of the 
American Journal of Philology. We referred above to Mr. 
Sweet's statement that voice d became breath / through 
whisper. Well, certain facts in Italic orthography, such as 
the representation both of the voice and the breath by C up 
to the end of the fourth century b.c, the transliteration of 
ipp-jyig and Uvppog by Burrus and Bruges, the comparison 
of }i-Ji3spmv and guherndre, have led Mr. Conway to the con- 
clusion that the mediae and tenues were originally separated 
not as voice from breath, but as whisper from breath. Of 
course these medice were afterwards voiced. This leads 
him to infer that the parent speech mediae were also whis- 
pered. Whisper is that intermediate state between breath 



1 7 2 Manual of L ing ti is tics. 

and voice in which the vocal chords are approximated, but 
not vibrated. We thus get Mr. Sweet's intermediary to 
start with. 

A few remarks now on the order of the changes present 
in Grimm's Law will form a necessary sequel to what has 
been said above of the character, of the scope, and of the 
production, of the changes. These will simply be an echo 
of what Brugmann says in his Grundriss. It is not to be 
supposed that processes referred to below, suddenly came 
into operation, for they doubtless were present in some 
shape and to some degree in the parent speech. 

To begin with, then, the tenues became spirants. The 
change first took place in the case of/ and k before /and s, 
and was then extended. Next, or perhaps first, the tenues 
aspiratje and the mediae aspiratte passed, the first into the 
breath spirants, the second into the voice spirants. The 
tenues and the tenues aspiratse thus fell together. This 
fact enables us to cognate Gothic haban with habeo, refer- 
ring both to common root khabh-. The voice spirants 
were afterwards largely stopped into mediae, a process 
probably assisted by the fact that the voiced spirants after 
nasals, and r and /, became medice. Under the action of 
Verner's Law (to be referred to presently), the breath 
spirants that came from the tenues and the tenues aspirats, 
in certain surroundings became voiced spirants, afterwards 
largely medise. So that a media may be traced back to a 
tenuis, a tenuis aspirata, or a media aspirata. Finally, the 
medire passed into tenues. Before leaving this change, 
the following words of Mr. Sweet may fitly be appended : 
— ' A change such as that of d into / may begin at the end 



Grim ms Law. 173 

of a breath-group, and be then extended to the end of 
words within a breath-group, as in German ; and finally to 
all the <3^'s in the language, as when every Aryan d became 
/ in Germanic' Let us remember in connection with the 
above remarks that processes got at by analysis perhaps 
did not function in actual development in the order given 
by analysis. 

Sweet's order of change is different from Brugmann's. 
This is what he says : — 'As regards the order of the 
changes, it is clear that dJi could not have become d, till 
Ar. d had become /, and that this latter change could not 
have taken place till Ar. / itself had been modified — other- 
wise some two of the three must have run together. The 
changes must, therefore, have begun with that of / into \ 
through th, d then taking the place of Ar. /, and, lastly, dh 
taking that of Ar. d' 

A few facts about isolated changes will complete the 
account of the first change, st, sp, sk do not suffer change ; 
zd passed into si — cp. nest and L. iiJdi/s (nizdo-) ; zgh 
and zdh into zg and zd — cp. A.S. iiiearg and Sk. iiiajjd 
' marrow,' Goth, mizdo, A.S. vieord, and Gk. ,'jLi(jddg, Sk. 
mldhd 'reward'; tt {fth) into ss — cp. A.S. gezviss and Gk. 
larbi {uitto), sometimes st, by analogical and other influ- 
ences — cp. A.S. zvdst, Goth, waist, Teut. zvaiss, and Gk. 
oJffi^a, Sk. vstiha (the t is due to the analogy of Teutonic 
tiiaht 'thou mightest,' &c.). 

Before passing on to the second change, it is worth our 
while to consider what testimony the runes may have to 
offer about the first change. Taylor tells us in his ' Alphabet' 
that the d rune corresponds to the Gk. t/icfa, the g rune, to 
the Gk. c/ii, and the k rune, probably to the Thracian 



174 Manual of L ingu is tics. 

gamma. This would seem to imply that, at the end of the 
runic period, the lautverschiebung was en train de se faire. 
It is now very generally believed that the runes were got 
directly or indirectly from Greek colonists on the Euxine, 
but as to the date of adoption differences exist. Taylor 
speaks of the sixth century B.C., while Sweet says that the 
most probable date for their adoption is the third century 
B.C. The first change, according to Sweet, took place some 
centuries before our era (but surely this requires a remoter 
date for the adoption of the runes than 300 b.c); the second 
did not come into operation until at least five centuries 
after it. 

The first remark to be made in connection with the H.G. 
changes is that they are comparatively recent. Words 
borrowed from the Latin, in common possession among 
the Teutons, suffered the letter-change, such as can?iabis, 
O.H.G. /zrt//(z/'hemp,' strata, O.H.G. strafa. This proves 
that the change did not take place till connection with the 
living Latin of the Roman Empire had been cut off. Dr. 
Murray refers the second shifting to changes effected on 
German when adopted by a Slavonic race, Scherer, to 
Romance influence. But may it not have been a recrud- 
escence, a partial repetition, very partial, it is true, of the 
first shifting, due to the phonic activity, possibly, of that 
section of the Teutons, the sound-development of which 
had dominated the race. If the changes of the first shifting 
are natural and omnipresent, why not allow their partial 
repetition. Voice to breath from I.E. to G.T. resembles 
voice to breath from G.T. to H.G. In breath to aspirate, 
it is true, the H.G. aspirate that resulted from G.T. breath 
is quite different from the G.T. aspirate that resulted from 



Grimms Law. 175 

I.E. breath — the H.G. aspirates being surd affricates, or 
spirants, the G.T. only spirants. 

In aspirate to voice from G.T. to H.G. the change, as 
u ill be seen by referring to the table, took place only in the 
case of dentals. The evidence for the law in fact reposes 
on the behaviour of the dentals. The mnemonic B.A.V. 
is evidenced only by dentals; A.V.B., best by dentals, 
occasionally by labials and gutturals ; V.B.A. in the dental, 
as in the other positions, has only the evidence of spirants 
or surd affricates. Note, too, in this formula, that ch is 
archaic, and that there is no quite satisfactory example of 
the through representation of labials. 

It seems almost needless to embarrass ourselves with a 
triliteral formula, and for practical purposes it will be 
enough to imagine an equilateral triangle B(reath) 

A 

A(spirate) V(oice) /\ and to remember that the lines 



of change are from left to right, along BA, AV, and VB, 
thus including German in Teutonic, noting specially the 
second shift of the dentals. The very partial character of 
the H.G. change is thus quite evident, indeed, the changes 
were only fulfilled with approximate completeness in 
Alemannic and Bavarian, sporadically elsewhere. The one 
change common to all the German dialects is that oith into 
d. Of collocations that resist the second shift we have st, 
sp, sk. To these add tr, hf, and //. 

It will now be possible to sum up the evidence on 
Grimm's La\v. We have seen that the changes are not 
extravagant, that they have some claims to universality, that 
they did not spring into existence with gourd-iike rapidity, 



1 7 6 Ma n ital of L ingu is tics. 

that they had humble beginnings, being probably to some 
extent the extension of local effects. They existed too in 
embryo at the date of the parent speech, that is to say, there 
was not identity of spoken speech then, but those tribes 
whose languages exhibit the phenomena that Grimm's Law 
connotes, displayed then in their speech the beginnings of 
these idiosyncrasies. For does not Paul say 'We must 
therefore regard, as a rule, the independent languages which 
have developed out of a common original language as con- 
tinuations of the dialects of the original language.' 

This statement seems to involve the ideality and 
artificialness of a homogeneous parent speech, and there 
are many reasons for doubting the existence of such a 
parent speech. It is then much more correct to say that 
there was not homogeneity to begin with, than to say, as 
some do, that the sounds of a putative parent speech were 
nondescript in character, and potentially able to become 
all they ever afterwards became. What sort of reality could 
such mongrel sounds ever have possessed. 

The changes, too, took place unconsciously. Let us 
remember that they were only accomplished after consider- 
able intervals, and by means of numerous intermediaries^ 
some of these doubtless long-lived. To postulate the series. 
— sound to be changed, last intermediary, final result — and 
to assume along with this a clear consciousness of the 
process, does not seem scientific. To import into Grimm's 
Law as an explanatory factor a volitional energy that 
makes for or against change, is to endow individuals with 
a prophetic consciousness of the phenomena in question, 
and a determination to bring them to pass. Two quota- 
tions from Paul will enforce this view. ' There is no such. 



Grimms Law. 177 

thing as a conscious effort made to prevent a sound-change.' 
And ' We must cling to the fundamental maxim that sounds 
are produced and taken cognisance of without any clear 
consciousness. This statement contradicts all such ex- 
planatory theories as presuppose iii the minds of individuals 
an idea of the sound-system of a language, under which 
head come several hypotheses as to the German sound- 
shifting process.' 

In the eleventh volume of Kuhn's Zeitschrift, Lottner 
tabulated two main classes of exceptions to the first laut- 
verschiebung. In the first class were set together cognates 
like Sk. duhitdr- Goth, dauhtar ; Sk. band (Gk. -rnvdipog, 
L. ojfe7idix), Goth. Inndan ; Sk. bndh (Gk. i'Trudofj.Tiv), Goth. 
biiidan ' command ' ; L. gradus, Goth, grids ' step/ where 
the d, b, and g of the Indo-Classical seem to remain in the 
Germanic. These exceptions were disposed of by Grass- 
mann in the next volume of the same Zeitschrift, where 
he demonstrated the fact of the presence in the original 
language 'das gleichzeitige vorhandensein ' of two as- 
pirates, one of which has been lost by dissimilation. The 
roots of the above words should then with proper vowel 
denotation be written ^dhugh-, ^bhendh-, ^bhudh-, 
Jghyredh-. The lautverschiebung is then seen to be 
regular. 

To illustrate the second class of exceptions, place together 
by super-position the following cognates : — 

m-arrip _ xXvrog _ sxaTOi'_ vavr/imahe (l pi. pf. atm.) 
Goth, fa^ar A.S. hlu;^ Goth, hund wur^on (pi. pret.) 
Dentals have been chosen for illustration, but equations 
with other letters are available. Glancing at the equations, 

M 



178 Manual of L inguistics. 

we see at once that we have in Germanic the voice stop d, 
instead of \. Greek words bearing the original accent 
have been selected, in order to bring out the facts in as 
homely a way as possible. It will be noticed that in every 
case the Greek cognates and the one Sanskrit cognate have 
the accent following the consonant affected by the laut- 
verschiebung. It should be noticed also that the conson- 
ants in question are medial. The syllabification, too, has 
to be attended to. The / is considered to belong to the 
preceding syllable — 'alle dem vocale folgenden consonan- 
ten gehorten der vorhergehenden silbe an.' (Confer what 
Roby says on syllabification in his ' Latin Grammar,' p. 87, 
also in Preface to Grammar, p. Ixxxiv.). Contrast now 

with ' '^ 



fa^ar Goth.broj^ar. 

The last two cognates exhibit the usual transmutation. 
Coincident with this we notice that the accent precedes 
the t For a similar coincidence contrast 

vavr/imahe • , var/e (i sing. pres. atm.) 

wuris'on weorGe (i sing. pres. ind.) 

Here also the accent in the regular mutation precedes the 
f. Is the position of the accent coincident or causal? 
Causal. In each of the Greek cognates of the exceptional 
Germanic words, the accent follows the f, and in Sanskrit, 
the terminations of the perfect plural bear the accent. But 
(ppdrrip has the accent on the first syllable, and in vdrfe, the 
presence of gwia proclaims the accent. The following 
statement will embrace the facts just alluded to : — Wher- 
ever, medially, in Germanic, the principal accent did not 
immediately precede the breath consonant under change, 



Grimms Law. 179 

the final result gives us a voiced stop, /.t'., /, /, k pass into 
d, b, g. Under the same conditions s passes into r. If the 
accent immediately preceded, the mutation is regular, i.e., 
t, p, k pass into ///, f, h. Under the some conditions s 
remains. For example of b and g take 

and 



Goth, si/mn A.S. swe^-'er. 

This statement is Verner's Law, one of the acutest dis- 
coveries in linguistics, and most far-reaching in its results, 
first enunciated by Karl Verner in the twenty-third volum.e 
of Kuhn's Zeitschrift. 

So much for the facts of the change, and the cause of 
the change, what about the modus operandi "i Doubtless 
the /, /, k changed first into the breath spirants th,f, h ; 
the vocalic surrounding vocalised these into the voiced 
spirants ; these were afterwards stopped. Just as the law 
explains rrarrip and fadar, and the Anglo-Saxon grammati- 
scher tvechsel, seen in the singular wear's and the plural 
wurdoti, a change due, as we have seen from Sanskrit, to 
the fact that, in the plural, the accent is on the terminations, 

so it explains the s and r seen in • , the singular and 

curon 

plural preterite of ccosan. The s passed to r through z. 
There is no grammatischer wechsel in Gothic, no change in 
verbs of spirant into voiced stop, no s into r. The spirant 
and the s have been driven right through the verb, though 
there are traces of the voiced stops. 

For an example of the occurrence of spirant and voiced 
stop in modem German, take ziehen gezogeii, but sometimes, 
here, as in Gothic, the spirant is driven through as zeihen 
geziehen. Let me now give Verner's own words — 'Indo- 



1 80 Manual of L inguistics. 

germ, k, t, p gingen erst iiberall in //, th, f iiber ; die 
so entstandenen tonlosen fricativse, nebst der vom indoger- 
manischen ererbten tonlosen fricativa s, wurden weiter inlau- 
tend bei tonender nachbarschaft selbst tonend, erhielten 
sich aber als tonlose im nachlaute betonter silben.' 

Bugge has tried to extend the law to initial consonants. 

For example, the cognates . lead him to infer that, 

^;o"amams 

when the accent follows at a distance of not less than two 
syllables, the law applies. 

It is the fact, then, of the position of the consonant in 
the accented syllable (to adopt Verner's syllabification) of 
bro^ar (p^drjjp), that prevents the passage of the th into d, 
as in the case of rraTYip fadar. What then was the nature 
of the accent ? Was it one of pitch (?) like the primitive 
accent, or one of stress also. Verner says of stress also 
— ' nicht langer rein chromatisch sondern zugleich exspira- 
torisch.' 

The free accent of the parent speech must, however, 
have been operative, and have done its work, after the 
commencement of the first shift, otherwise the Teutonic 
accent proper, that on the stem-syllable, would have pre- 
vented the shifting into stops. 

It may be asked here why the Ya^^v^ father and mother 
have ///. This used to be attributed to Scandinavian in- 
fluence, or to the analogy oi brother, but Dr. Joseph Wright, 
in the Academy for March 3rd, 1888, quotes many examples 
to prove that A.S. d became voiced th through the influence 
of following r (cp. Chap. IX., under d). 

Before closing this chapter, a reference to some of the 
applications or extensions of Verner's Law will not be out 



Grimins Law. 1 8 1 

of place.* In his book, ' Verner's Law in Italy,' Mr. Conway 
successfully applies the principle of Verner's Law to explain 
the absence of rhotacism in certain Latin words. One felt 
in a vague sort of way that dsinus, caesarics (here the 
initial accent was kept till the law was dead), vasicm, beside 
-generis, gereham, Aierelius, presented an unexplained con- 
tradiction. With Mr. Conway's explanation the seeming 
contradiction disappears, and law obtains. This explana- 
tion runs as follows : — Wherever, medially, in Italic, an 
s between two vowels followed an unaccented syllable, 
the final result gave z in the non-rhotacising dialects, 
such as Oscan, and r (through z) in the rhotacising 
dialects, such as Latin and Umbrian ; if the accent immedi- 
ately preceded, the s was kept, save in Latin and Faliscan, 
where the change into r took place even then, if i or « 
followed the s, and the same vowels, or a long vowel or 
diphthong, preceded — e.g. fidris. This rule explains every- 
thing in the words quoted above. There are exceptions to 
the rule, however, such as cf/ra, following the analogy of 
curare, dare, that of its compounds, and erajn, which was 
probably enclitic and without accent. See also page 54. 

* Dr. Fennell (Indo-European Vowel System, a pamphlet well de- 
serving careful perusal) attributes the result (/ in fadar to the fact that 
it ends a syllable. It is the initial letter of a syllable (I suppose 
Bugge is thrown) that shews the regular change, and for the reason 
that it is initial. Verner would have said that the t of (ppar-qp changes 
regularly because it is in the accented syllable, Fennell says that it so 
changes because it begins the next syllable. He lays down the propo- 
sition that an accented syllable was weighted as lightly as possible 
with consonants. On this proposition the t of (ppdrijp begins the 
second, and the ( of Trarrip ends the first syllable of their respective 
words. In Verner's syllabification both t's ended first syllables, one 
accented and one not. 



1 8 2 Manual of L ingu istics. 

Mr. J. H. Moulton in Vol. VIII. of the American Journal 
of Philology applied the principle of Verner's Law to explain 
the presence of a tenuis in Greek, where one would have 
expected a hard aspirate. In his own words : — ' Original 
hard aspirates lose their aspiration in Greek except where the 
accent immediately precedes.' Take for examples oJc^a 
and Wts (Sk. stha)^ the I.E. superlative suffix -thbs seen in 
Sk. -thd and -rk ; Sk. mithds and /xsra (A.S. med). It will 
be seen that where the accent follows, the tenuis appears. 
Sentence-accent too has contributed examples, i.e., the 
immediately preceding accent that preserved aspiration 
might, in the case of initial aspirates not accented on the 
root, be got from a preceding oxytone. This occurrence 
might be frequent enough to give rise to doublets — to a c-/^ 
due to the action of a preceding oxytone in the sentence- 
life of the word, alongside of the ffx of the rule. In many 
cases, the aspirated form obtained the wider extension, 
might even, under the operation of levelling ' ausgleichung,' 
obliterate all traces of the form with the tenuis. 

Next, we have Siever's Law, to the effect that a g occur- 
ring before iv in an unaccented syllable disappeared — e.g., 
A.S. geseiven for gesegwen, Goth, fiiawi ' maid ' for inagwi, 
Magus however for magivus, because, to quote Mr. Sweet, 
' in an early stage of Germanic in which Aryan o was still 
preserved, as well as Aryan o, u, ii, the iv was dropped 
before these round vowels, but kept before a, i, e.^ 

There is also an alternation of c and g mentioned in the 
History of English Sounds, which may possibly be due to 
nasal action together with a varying accent. Compare 
sfican, sf/gati, 'suck'; and wicing ' pirate,' ze/J^ 'war' (L. 
vincere). In this last, the nasal seen in the Latin, would 



Grimms Law. 183 

voice the c into g in an unaccented syllable. Note also 
in this connection menddx and menfir'i. 

Paul and Kluge's Law covers another class of exceptions 
to Grimm's Law, viz., those in which gg, dd, bb got from 
I.E. ghn, gh'-'n, d/ui, bhn, or, by Verner's Law, from kn, 
k'-'n, trj, pn, or from original mediae followed by «, with 
accent following, become kk, tt, pp. For illustration, trace 
the process by which A.S. s77iocc has been reached — LE. 
smuk^nb- into stnuhnd, smugnd (by Verner's Law), smuggd (by 
assimilation), s/nukkd. It is this last act that exemplifies 
Paul and Kluge's Law. The o in smocc is due to a-umlaut. 
If the accent had preceded the I.E. k, the result would of 
course have been h/i. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Sound Relations in English — Introduction and 
Short Vowels. 

The Anglo-Saxon alphabet was got from the British Celts, 
These of course used the Latin Alphabet, into the writing 
of which they had introduced certain modifications. Anglo- 
Saxon text books are now usually printed with modem 
characters, but any one who cares to gain a knowledge of 
the look of the old script may get this by looking into, say, 
Thorpe's edition of Alfred's Orosius. The making of the 
letters d, f, g, r, s, f, is quite noticeable. The Modern 
Irish Alphabet of eighteen letters presents, so far as it goes, 
a very similar appearance. ' .The Anglo-Saxon letters, using 
the ordinary with two supplementary characters, are : a, ce, 
e, i\ 0, II, y—b, c, d, 5, /, g, h, /, ;;/, ;?, p, r, s, t, >, iv, x. 

]? (thorn) is taken from the runic alphabet. 3 is a 
manipulation of the character for d, to express the sound 
of f/i in f^en, but the MSS. use this and the previous 
character to express both sounds of the English f/i, either 
that in f/ie?i, or that in f/u'p?g. It may be worth while 
mentioning that in the oldest texts (as now), f/i denoted 
both sounds. In some books another runic character (wen) 
is used for the sound expressed by w. The A.S. 5 is some- 
times retained in preference to g. Sometimes k is written 
in the MSS. for c, and for the usual r^v {cu), the Latin 
symbol qu sometimes appears. The letter s is rare in 



Sound Relations in Euirlish. 1 8 



.3 



Anglo-Saxon. It sometimes represents the sound of ts^ and 
in foreign names perhaps had the value of Gk. ^, i.e., dz. 
ce had the value of a (lovv-front-wide) in the word ??ian 
(English, not Scotch), y retained the value of Gk. 
upsilon (high-front-narrow-round). This sound had already 
(as afterwards took place in English through unrounding) 
in Old High German been confused with /. c had always 
the hard sound (two varieties, but not an ^-sound). Umlaut-^ 
is sometimes written as c. Further remarks on the sounds 
expressed by these letters will be made later on. See also 
passim in Chaps. VIII. and IX. 

There are dialects in Anglo-Saxon which often exhibit 
differences in spelling, differences that have to be noted, 
because some one of them, rather than its dialectical neigh- 
bours, may have given rise to the present English form. The 
chief dialects are the Northumbrian, the Mercian, and the 
AVest-Saxon. The language-area occupied by these dialects 
reached from the Forth on the north to the EngHsh Channel 
on the south, and may be said to have had for dividing- 
lines the H umber and the Thames. Mercian occupied the 
district between these two rivers, and marched on the north 
with Northumbrian and on the south with West-Saxon. 
Anglian is a common name for Northumbrian and Mercian, 

The Middle English dialects — Northern, Midland, and 
Southern — corresponded in the main, both dialectically and 
geographically, to the older dialects. The Southern dialect 
bears strong traces of Midland influence. In both the 
Anglo-Saxon and Middle English periods, there existed 
another sufficiently distinctive variety of the language, to 
which the name Kentish has been given. 

Middle English may be said to begin with the year 1150, 



1 86 Manual of Linguistics. 

and to end with the year 1450. Both before and after this 
interval, a considerable time — a century before, and half a 
century after — must be allowed for the transition from 
Anglo-Saxon to Middle English, and for the transition from 
Middle English to Modern English. The latter then,, 
begins with the year 1500. Mr Sweet makes it extend over 
three stages of development, to the year 1800, from 
which point he dates the beginning of Living English. 

Middle English is a slow, self-contained, and natural 
development out of Anglo-Saxon. It seems, in that case, 
all the more needful to answer a question that is naturally 
suggested by the date assigned above to the commence- 
ment of the language. That question is — what influence 
had the Norman-French of the victors on the language ? 
None, we have just said, on its linguistic development. 
On its vocabulary and orthography, a very great influence 
indeed. The vocabulary does not exactly concern the 
subject of this chapter. Suffice it to say that it was not till 
well on in the thirteenth century that foreign words were 
introduced in large numbers, the busiest time being the 
interval between 1250 and 1350. Of the influence exerted 
on the orthography, more presently. 

A sentence or two to record the main varieties in the 
Anglo-Saxon dialects. 

In the Anglian dialect, the g that interchanged with a in 
Anglo-Saxon before nasals is preferred to the a. For West 
Saxon ce^ e is found in Mercian (and Kentish). There ce 
means Cc. The ce of West-Saxon that equals Teut. je (Goth. 
e, O.H.G. a) is represented in Anglian and Kentish by e. 
For ea before / and a consonant, a (probably long) occurs 
universally in Anglian. For ea before re and rg, e appears 



Sound Rclalio7is in English. 1 8 7 

in Anglian. Northumbrian may have te. ea before //, x, 
and ht, appears in Anglian as ce. For the W.S. ea that 
denoted the result brought about by the development of a 
glide-vowel between the fronts c and g and the following 
(e, there appears in the non-W.S. dialects the aforesaid cc 
— S'^^'f (W.S. geaf). Compare the appearance in a similar 
surrounding of non-W.S. gi^fofi for W.S. geafon. The symbol 
ea is however found in Mercian as u-{px (9-)mutation of a, 
and in Northumbrian as 0- (or a-) mutation of e (W.S. eo). 
In Anglian, ca before r, g, //, is reduced to e. eo before //, 
re, rg, rh, is reduced to e, eo before c, g, /i, to e. These 
sounds are often left unmutated. For the W.S. I'e, e appears 
in Anglian and Kentish, and for le, e. a' the mutation of 
0, and (i. the mutation of 5, appear in Northumbrian and 
Kentish, the ce in Mercian as well. These are unrounded 
in West- Saxon to e and e. 

Of the Middle English dialects, the Midland is the most 
important, and of its varieties, that variety which is called 
East Midland. This coloured by the Southern dialect is 
the source of standard Modern English. 

The differences between the Southern and East Midland 
varieties of Middle English can be shortly shewn. 

The Southern g before nasals is unrounded in East Mid- 
land to a. The e, with sound of A.S. ce (1. f. w), under 
which the A.S. a and ea had in Middle English been 
levelled, is represented in East Midland by a. The A.S. a 
which was unrounded to g in Southern is retained un- 
changed in East Midland. Southern eo and eo are 
represented in East Midland by the reductions e e, as well 
as by the digraphs. Both Southern and East Midland 
represent A.S. ea by e. A.S. y and y are unrounded in 



1 8 8 Manual of L ingidstics. 

East Midland to / and l, while in Southern they are 
represented by u, u. The Kentish of both the Anglo- 
Saxon and Middle English periods represents _y by L It is 
to be noted that the same dialect represents A.S. ea eo, 
short and long, by ya ye. Chaucer uses the letters that 
have been given above to East Midland, but has the g 
(rounded a) of Southern. 

To return now to French influence on Middle English 
orthography. 

After 1400, Anglo-French was dead as a spoken language. 
Its teaching, had been stopped in schools, as Trevisa tells us, 
in 1385. 

Some space will be needed to note the great influence 
exerted by Anglo-French on the orthography of Middle 
English. 

It is convenient here to notice, in regard to handwriting, 
that the Anglo-Saxon forms for the d,f,g, r, s, t, of the Celtic 
Roman alphabet were ousted by the forms of the French 
hand. Mr Sweet, in writing of the change wrought on 
English orthography by Norman-French influence, says that 
it amounted to the introduction of a totally new orthographi- 
cal basis, shaped and. confined of course by the existing 
orthography. Certain facts will be adduced to bear this 
out. Vowels first. 

A.S. cc (A.S. ea was levelled under this letter), under 
Anglo-French influence, is expressed in the Southern dialect 
by e. The a; (and (v), that vulgar Latin transmitted to 
French, had been levelled under e. The Ormulum keeps 
the symbol ce, but with the value (C. The short ce is in this 
text written a. 

Under the influence of Anglo-French, in which ie (i*ee) 



Sound Relations in English. 189 

had been reduced to (ee), the same symbol ie {ye) came to 
connote the sound (ee), and is used in late Middle English 
to represent this sound (close e), not only in French words 
like meschief, but also in English words, e.g. Chaucer's Hcf 
(also leef) (A.S. leof). 

i is, later on in Middle English, written as y, a symbol, 
which in French writing was convertible with /'. The y is 
very common in the neighbourhood of ?/, ///, ?/, w, and at 
the beginning and end of words. The possible confusion 
in form is sometimes avoided in the case of initial / by 
writing it as a capital. 

In Chaucer J appears for i. 

The writing of the diphthongs ai and ci as ay and ey 
should also be noticed. 

u, after the French manner, is sometimes written as 0, in 
the neighbourhood of letters that have a like form, viz., 21 
(consonantal), //, w, iv. Initially the confusion could be 
avoided by writing u as v. 

In late Middle English, was also written for 21, when a 
consonant + vowel followed. 

Latin tc (and — a close sound in Latin) had in French 
passed into a sound between (u) and (o), which was then 
written u or (close), though afterwards prevailed. There 
was also in French an open c, coming from Latin o 
(and au). 

The long ?^-sound is, owing to the said influence, quite 
widely written in late Middle English as ou^ a symbol which 
in French had put off its diphthongic sound, and taken on 
that of (uu). This sound follows the development that 
native words in U exhibit — A.S. hus, M.E. hoiis, Mod. E. 
house (au). 



1 90 Manual of L inguistics. 

Anglo-French influence caused A.S. _y j' to be written as 
u in the Southern dialect, y is sometimes written ui, and 
later on, uy. 

The Ormulum for A.S. y y has / t. The A.S. y had 
been pretty generally unrounded, save in the Southern 
dialect. 

w and 5 (front-open) were used in the Ormulum as diph- 
thongic signs (after short vowels written ww, 53) to represent 
the second element of diphthongs. These are afterwards 
replaced by Latin and French u, i. 

zv however again got vogue as diphthongic element after 
back vowels (<?, 0, u) — M.E. draiven (A.S. dragan, Ormulum 
dra'^hetifi (5/2 = back-open)). 

Consonantal orthography suffered greater changes than 
vocalic. 

The back c of Anglo-Saxon is written k before e and i. 
The Ormulum has k also before a. c is retained before 
and ?/, and before consonants, but the Ancren Riwle often 
has k before and ?/, and before consonants, save w. 

c has, in more modern times, ousted k initially, before 
/ and r. 

The disuse of c is owing to the fact that c before e and i 
suggested to a French scribe the sound of s. Later on in 
Middle English, c is used to denote an j-sound. Earlier, it 
had been used with old Anglo-French value of ts. sc was 
written as sch. 

The same symbol, however, sometimes had the value sk 
— sdatmdre^ sklatindre (slander — sd is now disused), and 
represented that sound, except before e, i, y. 

ss is, both in French and English, written sc, a combina- 
tion which in Anglo-French had a ss- or s- sound — lescun, 



Sound Relations in English. 1 9 1 

blescien. For cw^ gu, a symbol sometimes used in the 
Anglo-Saxon period, ultimately prevailed. 

Front c was in Middle English ultimately written with the 
P'rench symbol ch. Its doubling was written cch or chch. 

}>, which had prevailed over the alternating S and ]? of the 
Anglo-Saxon script, was now by the action of French scribes 
replaced by th, which, as we saw, was not unknown in the 
Anglo-Saxon period. 

/, which in the Anglo-Saxon stood for both breath and 
voice sound, remains in the Ormulum, but the Ancren 
Riwle, with its strong traces of the influence of the foreign 
spelling, has consonantal n (?') medially, and sometimes 
initially. Finally, and before voiced consonants, / is re- 
tained. Had 11 been written here, it would with the pre- 
ceding vowel have looked a diphthong. 

Latin v had in French lost its ze^-sound, and taken on the 
voiced sound oif. In Chaucer, /expresses the 7'-sound only 

The French g now takes the place of the A.S. 5 (a sorely 
burdened letter), as the symbol of the stop consonant. It 
also represents French soft g. 

5 (its graphic descendant) is retained to express its own 
open sounds. 

French soft ^ when initial is usually written 7. 

ge and ggo. represent they- andyy- sounds when final. 

For the front-open g take as example from Ormulum — 
Ving. 

In the same text, back-open g is written ■^h—foll'-fheun 
This symbol in the Southern dialect appears as h. 

Some East Midland texts use g rather than 5. 

Later on in Middle English, consonantal v can replace 5. 

The hard g is sometimes represented late in the fifteenth 



192 Manual of Lingin sties. 

century, both in French and Enghsh words, by gu, which 
had lost its after-sound in later Anglo-French. 

h had a back and front variety (initially it had been 
weakened to a simple breath). For both of these sounds it 
is retained in Middle English, ch was sometimes used, but 
owing to confusion with A.F. ch, went out of vogue. Later 
on, French scribes refusing to endow this symbol, weak in 
their own tongue, with such power, use other symbols, g 
is used and also 5. In the Northern dialect, in addition to 
these, gh came into fashion. This passed to the South and 
is common in Chaucer. 

Front gh changes into y before a \o\v^—hye (also written 

hie). 

Back gh (usually preceded by ?/, which is sometimes 
dropped after 0) often falls out before a vow^—ynough, 
ynowe (plu.). Both the front and back variety may drop, 
finally, and before /. 

A.F. z is sometimes written for voiced s. The symbol s 
stood in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English for both breath 
and voice sound. 

The earlier value of A.F. s, viz., ts, also appears in the 
combination nz, remaining down to Chaucer, e.g., vestimenz. 

The Anglo-Saxon rune-symbol for w, used in the Ormu- 
lum and the Ancren Riwle, is replaced by the French symbol 
7V, the product of two vs with value of u. 

Consonantal y has arisen, says Mr Sweet, from the habit 
that scribes had in later Anglo-French of writing y initially 

for / (J)- 

Before leaving Middle English orthography, something 
should be said about Orm's spelling. To denote shortness 
of the preceding vowel, every consonant that was final, or 



Sound Relations in English. 1 93 

followed by another consonant, was doubled. If the con- 
sonant were followed by a vowel, the doubling did not take 
place, for then, an air of reality would have been bestowed 
on the word, and confusion with real words would have 
ensued. In such words Orm often used marks, the short 
mark for short vowels, and an accent for long. 

It is a fact that in Modern English a final consonant is 
long after a stressed short vowel, and short after a stressed 
long vowel. Englishmen have a difficulty in reproducing 
the short consonant that follows a stressed short vowel in 
foreign words. 

Not that Orm's spelling indicated real consonant length, 
for he uses it in syllables that have no stress. It was a mere 
device to indicate quantity, possibly suggested by existing 
facts, though, as we have seen, in Orm's day, a short vowel 
before a consonant and vowel could retain its shortness. 

The presence of final doubled consonants began to be 
considered a sign of shortness of vowel, and vice versa, that 
of single consonants, as a sign of length. 

It should be added that final consonants in Middle 
English (as in Modern English) were pronounced long 
after a short vowel, whether written double or not. 

The loss of final e which began in Chaucer's time, and 
was completely generalised by the middle of the fifteenth 
century, gave birth to many types of words with short 
vowels, followed finally by two consonants — lesse into less. 

]\Ioreover, long vowels were regularly shortened in Middle 
Enghsh before two consonants (except before certain leng- 
thening combinations — for which, see below). 

Thus it came to pass that in an accented syllable two 
consonants came to argue shortness of vowel. 

N 



194 Manual of Linguistics. 

Of course in unstressed syllables consonants were 
shortened both in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English — A.S. 
\Vesten{n)es, M.E. sunful{l)e. 

Original single consonants were also sometimes doubled 
between vowels in Middle English — siimine plu. of sum 
' some,' wimmmge ' dwelling.' 

It was to be expected that many words with short vowel 
and single consonant in Middle English would tack on 
another. This is so — pepper^ penny (M.E. peper, A.S. 
pipor — M. E. pe7ty, A. S. penig). 

Even in Anglo-Saxon, c, t, p, h, after a short vowel, 
appeared sometimes doubled before r and / — bitter, aeppel. 

Sometimes the doubled consonant of the pronunciation 
appeared in writing in the inflexions — God, Goddes 
(Chaucer). 

Length of vowel was sometimes indicated in Anglo- 
Saxon by a doubling of vowel (or by accent). This 
practice gained ground in late Middle English, and is quite 
common in Chaucer, especially in monosyllables. / and ic 
are not often doubled. 

In Modern English, final e is a sign of a preceding long 
vowel. This result has been produced quite fortuitously. 
The weathering that attacked the Anglo-Saxon unstressed 
endings often evolved a form containing an original long 
vowel followed by a consonant and the levelled e?-ending 
— strike (M.E. striketi, A.S. struan). The name type of 
words, in which an original short vowel became lengthened 
in Middle English before a consonant and vowel (see below), 
presented similar forms. The bone type of words (A.S. hdn 
— the a was rounded in Middle English to o), in which 
there was originally no e in the nominative, suffered con- 



Sound Relations in English. 195 

tamination in form with the dissyllabic cases (especially the 
dative), where the long vowel was not written doubled, and 
took on an e. 

At this time the levelled ^-endings of the unstressed 
syllables were on the road to mute endings. This progress 
had already been completed in Northumbrian, and may to 
a certain extent be regarded as a Gallicism, the French of 
that day presenting many examples of e's that had become 
mute. The word-types in which silent final e happened to 
occur along with a long vowel were generalised, and a 
function foreign to the e was fatuously fathered on it. 

The use of final e was somewhat wild. It was used after 
short vowels — hyme ' him.' 

It does not indicate length of vowel after v — live, love. 
The e in these words is a graphic necessity. When v 
(consonantal //) w'as written ii, its appearance after a vowel 
would have led to confusion with diphthongic combinations. 

We have discarded e in many words where it did not 
indicate length, or was not needed for that purpose — rootne, 
£heere, shoulde. At the beginning of the Modern Period, 
final e could also denote length after two consonants — chylde. 

A few supplementary remarks on the general orthography 
of Middle English and Modern English will now be made. 

Early in the Middle English period hr, hi, h?i passed into r, 
I, n. The spellings rh, bh, and nh, are also found in early texts. 

h'lV however, retained the order of its letters, but even in 
the Ormulun, wh occurs, proving that the present English 
pronunciation of a breath iv, was then in existence. 

In the Northumbrian dialect the h of the hw was indi- 
vidualised to such an extent that the aspirated labial really 
became a labialised guttural, expressed by qic quh, which 



1 96 Alanual of L inguistics. 

sounds may be seen written in Scotch proper names, and 
still heard from Scotch lips in certain parts of Scotland. 

The prefix ge- was represented by /-, as early as the 
tenth century. 

ai and an were often written ay and aw, when followed 
by a vowel, or at the end of a word. 

w was sometimes written for 11 — hu, hzv, hou (A.S. hu). 

Somewhere in the fifteenth century, j and v, formerly 
mere graphic varieties of / and u, began to be set apart for 
the consonantal function of these letters. To begin with, 
they were used initially. v had already been employed 
initially in Chaucer. 

The letter 5 passed out of use. Its form had become too 
like that of z, in fact it is actually written s in old Scotch 
writing — zeir for year. 

Compare the confusion between ]' and y. In Grafton's 
Bible of 1 540, these letters are formed exactly alike. 

sch passed into sh. ssh was reduced to the same symbol. 
Doubled k is expressed by ck. 

In several words gh is used for hard g — ghost, gherkin^ 
Spenser has ghess {guess), gh expresses hard g in Italian 
before e and /. 

The M.E. tch {clich) is sometimes written tch, and M.E, 
gge is written dge — stretch (M.E. strecchen\ hedge (M.E. 
hegge). Spenser has rttch for rich. 

At the beginning of the Modern Period, y became almost 
convertible with /. y was preferred finally. Final / also 
assumed the form ie. Later on, y was expelled from many 
places. 

In latter-day English, spelling and speaking have become 
quite divorced, and the estrangement is bound to widen, so 
long as the spelling is held sacred. We have in fact two- 



Sound Relations in English. 



197 



languages, one for the eye, and one for the ear. The 
symbols of the former are arbitrary, without the advantage 
of being consistent. Speak as you spell, and spell as you 
speak, are not exactly counsels of perfection in English. 

There must next be given a list of words to illustrate 
the passage of A.S. vowel-sounds through Middle English 
into Modern English. These are of course selected from 
Mr. Sweet's great work. 

In the first column, the Anglo-Saxon (West Saxon, 
Anglian) word is given, in the second and third, the Middle 
English and Modern English equivalents. The sounds are 
taken in this order of Anglo-Saxon vowels — a (ae, 9, ea), 
e (eo), i, 0, u, y ; a, se, e, ea, eo, i, 6, u, y. They are then 
divided out into the living English sounds that derive from 
them, with subdivisions according to the spelling. 

The following is a table of living English sounds, with the 

symbols to be used in classification. The slight sketch of 

Phonetics inserted further on will explain the terminology 

of the definitions and explanations. 

ei (m. f. w. +h. f. w.) they. 
ou (m. b. w. r.+ same, rounded) 
know. 



IB (m. b. n.) CO Die. 

a (in. m. w. ) — do in. 

L(h. f. w.)///. 

e (m. f. w.) men. 

ae (1. f. \v. ) man. 

u (h. b. w. x.)fuU. 

(1. b. w. r.) not. 

93 (1. 111. n.) /;/;-(/. 

ai (m. m. w. +h. f. \v 

aia hire. 

aa (1. m. w.-^m. m. w. r.) hoii 

au9 our. 

oi (ni. b. w. r. -1-h. f. w.) hoil. 



high. 



ii (h. f. w., diphthongic)y6'£?/. 

uu (h. b. w. r. , diphthongic) soon. 

yuu hue. 

ia (h. f. w. +m. 'w.)fcar. 

a9 (1. f. n. -l-m. m. •w.)/are. 

U9 h. b. w. r. +m. m. \v. ) moor. 

yu3 your. 

09 (1. b. n. r. +111. m. ^.)gorc. 

aa (m. b. 'w.)far. 

00 (1. b. n. x.)fa//. 



Doubling means length. The symbol plus the definition 
ought to make the sound clear. 

The sounds defined are those of living English. The 



198 Manual of L inguistics. 

Scotch, Irish, American, and even North English sounds 
are not always the same. 

au — In Scotch, the first element is the mid-back-narrow. 

ii — In Scotch, Irish, and American English, the vowel is 
still a long monophthong, and narrow. 

ei — Scotch here has not a diphthong, but the long mid- 
front-narrow. 

ae — This sound only occurs before r. In Scotch the r 
is of course trilled, and the vowel is long mid-front-narrow. 

uu — In Scotch, North English, Irish, and American 
English, the old long monophthongic high-back-narrow- 
round is kept. Compare the English and Scotch pro- 
nunciation of two or too. 

ou — Scotch has the old non-diphthongic mid-back-nar- 
row-round. 

aa — In Scotch, this vowel is generally long mid-back- 
wide-round. 

-B — The full back vowel is heard in the West of England, 
and in Scotland. The ordinary English sound is rather 
fronted. 

e — In Scotch and North English, the e in men is low- 
front-wide. 

ae — Scotch man has the low-back-wide. 

u — Scotch book has the high-back-narrow-round. 

— In Scotch, this sound is usually represented by the 
mid-back-wide-round. 

By Scotch is meant the Scotch pronunciation of English. 
The vernacular word may have quite a different sound, 
e.g., the vernacular bulk has the mid-front-narrow-round. 

To save reiteration further on it will be well to set down 



Soiuid Relations in English. 1 99 

here some of the principles that regulate lengthening and 
shortening in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English. 

There were in the Anglo-Saxon (chietiy in late West- 
Saxon and Anglian) certain consonant groups before which 
vowels were often lengthened. These groups were composed 
of r, /, in, II, and certain succeeding consonants. 

Short vowels, followed by unstressed syllables, were also 
sometimes lengthened. This was much more pronounced 
in Middle English. 

Monosyllables ending in a stressed vowel were regularly 
lengthened — me, t5/?, S<?, ge, he, se. 

Many monosyllables ending in a single consonant are 
also found long — of, on, or-, Fin-, Ic, ' I,' ivel, iver, ' man,' 
bi-clc (from analogy of brcecon). 

On the questioning of shortening before two consonants, 
as in Middle English (see below), the evidence is uncertain. 

The vowels of the unstressed elements of compounds very 
often kept quantity, dbin and /w^ always. 

Vowels in final and derivative syllables were often short- 
ened. 

In IMiddle English, short vowels in accented syllables 
were lengthened before a consonant followed by a vowel. / 
and u did not take on length. 

Monosyllables kept their short vowels. These in certain 
cases were lengthened, owing to the influence of inflectional 
forms, which, vvith their additional vowel, came under the 
scope of the above rule. Several nouns, for instance, 
borrowed a vowel from their oblique cases and got leng- 
thening, or borrowed, it may be, lengthening and vowel 
together.) 

Certain preterites of one syllable — yaf, shak, brak, &c., 
afterwards conformed to the rule {gave, spake, brake), assum- 



2 CO Mamial of L inginstics. 

ing the long vowel of the related forms that got lengthened 
by the operation of said rule. 

The rule is sometimes inoperative, when the single con- 
sonant is followed by — er, — el, — en, — i7tg, — £ These are 
called the back-shortening terminations. Shortness for ex- 
ample is retained in the following vioxd^— fader, sadel, seven, 
hering, bodi. Perhaps, in certain words, the inflected forms 
that, owing to syncope of their vowels, did not come under 
the above rule, influenced the nominatives. Some of these 
exceptions will occur hereafter. 

The rule obtained, in spite of the usual shortening 
syllables, in aker, taper, oner, cradel, euen. Compare these 
as to sound with the previous exceptions. 

It is also to be noticed that the — er, — el, &c., may not 
only nullify the action of the lengthening rule, but do actually 
sometimes shorten a preceding long vowel (cp. lather, sorry). 

Before two consonants, vowels are regularly shortened in 
Middle English. 

Just as in Anglo-Saxon, however, there were certain 
consonant-combinations that often lengthened the preced- 
ing vowel. The second consonant had to be a sonant, 
and not every combination of r, I, m, n and sonant was 
eff'ective. Examples are, bord 'board,' kdld 'cold,' tdlde 
' told,' child, blind, dlinben. 

The terminations that conserved shortness, and interfered 
with the action of the consonant -t- vowel rule, gave pause 
also in the consonant-combination rule. 

There were also some pure exceptions — shollde and wollde 
(from the Ormulum). 

Before ng, which perhaps had suffered simplification of 
sound, original shortness had been recovered. The spell- 
ing (for short u), found in yong, tonge, proves this. The 



Soiuid Relations in English. 201 

ioTca young has preserved in writing the symbol for long u, 
viz., ou, or, it may be, borrowed it [xova youth. 

So also the vowel before mb got back shortness as in dumb. 

Just as much phonetics as is necessary for the under- 
standing of the word-lists will now be given. 

The breath that passes from the lungs into the upper 
passages may either pass freely and retain its quality, or, by 
thrumming on the vocal chords that close the glottis, be 
changed into voice. Vowels have to do with voice, con- 
sonants with both breath and voice. 

A table of vowel-sounds is first set down. These are 
produced by the voiced breath that is freely projected into 
the differently disposed resonance-chamber of the mouth. 

The following are the definitions of the terms used in 
their description : — (a) high, mid, loiv — these denote the 
various positions of the articulating tongue ; (b) back, mixed., 
front — these refer to the part of the tongue that is active in 
articulation, mixed denoting that the tongue is in its natural 
level state ; (c) narrow, wide — narrow indicates that the 
surface of the active part of the tongue is tense, wide that 
it is in its ordinary flaccid state ; (d) round — this means 
that the lips are narrowed during the utterance of the sound. 

Occasionally, in this and the following chapter, the action 
of sound-processes will be described by verbs — rounded, 
backed, fronted, &c. — the meanings of which repose on the 
definitions of the above terms. 

Bell's names for the vowels are primary and ivide. His 
explanation of these terms differs from the foregoing 
(Sweet's). He states that ivide vowels differ from narrow 
in that they ' have an additional expansion of the soft 
palate, enlarging the back cavity of the mouth.' 



c/j 

p 

Z 

O 
I 

o 

> 



•d 
c 

o -t: 

%^ 
.5 


.-iac^'d 

£ 


low-front-wide 
E. man 
Sc. men 


high- front-wide- 
round 
G. schittzen 


mid-front-wide- 
round 
Fr. pcux 
G. Gotter 


1 

rs 

c: o 


-a 

1 

y- ^ 

£ 3. 
§w" 


mid-mixed-wide 
E. bett«- 


low-mixed-wide 
E. how (first ele- 
ment) 
Occas. Sc. t'rr, hixd 


high-mixed -wide- 
round 
E. \Aitc 


mid-mixed-wide 
round 
E. sole (slightly 

diphthongic) 
Fr. homme 


1 

1 

_x c 

£ o 
1 ^ 

6 


high-back-wide 


mid-back-wide 
E. father 
Fr. patte 
G. vrtter 


low-back-wide 
Sc. fother, man 
Fr. pdte 


1 

0) 

f wo 


mid-back-wide- 
round 
E. so (diphthongic) 
Sc. road 
Fr. or 
G. Sonne 


low-back -wide- 
round 
E. not 


high- front-narrow 
Sc. se/k 
Fr. f/n/ 
G. b/ene (long) 


mid-front -narrow 
Fr. eie 
G. %ee (long) 


low-front-narrow 
E. crtre 
Sc. tell 


high-front-narrow- 
round 
Fr. l«ne 
G. griin (long) 


mid-front-narrow- 
round 
Sc. b«/k 
Fr. pe« 
G. sch(Vn (long) 


low-front-narrow- 
round 
Sw. for 


% 

15 


mid-mixed-narrow 
G. gabe 
Fr. que 


2 « 
\t 

<u - 
'£ ^ 

^w 

o 


high-mixed-narrow- 
round 
Nor. and Sw. h/cs 


p 

ci 

£ o 


1 

p 

c: 

c 
1 
'^ 'd 

■£ p 


o 

5x: 


p g 

li 

:2W 


low-back-narrow 
Cockney park 
Occas. Sc. huX. 


high-back-narrow- 
round 
Sc.-E. book 
Fr. sow 
G. giA (long) 


mid-back- narrow- 
round 
Fr. \^eau 
G. so/m (long) 


low-back-narrow- 
round 
E. \aw 



Sound Relations in Enzlish 



Vb ' 



Bell says that the high-mixed-narrow is heard in American 
sir and her. 

An idea of the high-back-wide may be got by pronounc- 
ing the II \nfi(//, and at the same time forcing asunder the 
lips with finger and thumb. Bell says that the unaccented 
Oii in -tious has this sound. 

Low-front-wide-round — Bell says that this is heard in the 
Cockney alwi/f. 

Mid-mixed-narrow-round — Heard, says Bell, in Yorkshire 
cof?ie, and Irish Dublui. 

Low-mixed-narrow-round — In Irish her, sir, stir (Bell). 

Low-mixed-wide-round — Regular sound of Irish short o 
in not, gone, &c. (Bell). 

Consonant-sounds are produced by the voiced or voice- 
less breath that is projected upwards, and impeded or 
stopped at some part of the throat or mouth. The simplest 
consonant is the throat sound, the aspirate //. 

In uttering consonants, the sound passage may be (i) 
clear, and the result be ope^i sounds (2) blocked in the 
centre, and the result be side sounds (3) blocked altogether, 
and the result be stop sounds (4) blocked altogether, with 
free nose-passage, and the result be 7iasal sounds. 

The parts of the tongue, &c., active in the articulation of 
consonants {i.e. in the partial or complete stoppage of 
sound) are sufficiently indicated by the names at the top of 
each column. Front means the middle of the tongue ; 
point, the tip ; and blade, the part behind the point ; blade- 
point indicates that variety of consonant-sound in which the 
blade-action is accompanied by a raising of the point of the 
tongue ; lip-backs have a closer approximation of the lips 
than tlie /// consonants, accompanied by a heightening of 
the back of the tongue. 

Here follows a list of consonant-sounds with noticeable 
examples. 



Q 

o 

m 
H 

o 

iz; 
o 
o 



< 
Pi 



H 
o. 



n 

Q. 



Q. 



O 



M 



m 



V 

H 



o 






c 
~ IT ^ O 

w£dd 



c 

I. 

d 






W 





c 

i 


w£d 


o 




wt:o 






WCiO 



W 



t: 




,0) rt 



Or^ 






c^d 






c 

s- 
w£d 



z 

a, 
O 



D 



O 



ITi 



^ 



WfoO 






Kfe 



O 



+ 



§33 



at. 



+ 

wtid 



w 






c 

D o 



a^o 






MfeO 





a ad 



+ 

o 2 § 
a ad 



t>o 



c 

5? 



o 






^■0 



a ad 



-a 

bao 

c 

'•3 

J3 



J2 



> 
■a 






H 






a 






0- 

o 






Sotmd Relations in Enoiish. 20 



.3 



Bell's account differs from the above (Sweet's) in analysis 
and nomenclature. For side and stop he uses divided and 
shut. He has ivh, sh, s {w, z/i, z), in a row by themselves, 
with the name mixed. This term describes a narrowing of 
the sound passage, brought about by a raising of the front 
part of the tongue, or, in the case of the lip-sounds, by a 
contraction of the back part of the mouth. He places/ (v) 
in his divided row, and classes th (d/i) as a member of a 
mixed-divided row. 

Glides are the parasitic sounds that arise in the passage 
from one sound-position to another. 

It is now time to give the lists of typical examples of 
sound-change referred to above. 

a, se, 2, ea : A.S. (i.e. West Saxon) «, representing Teu- 
tonic a (I.E. (7, 0, and indeterminate vowel p), is not a 
particularly common sound. It occurs in open syllables 
that are followed either by the back vowels «, o^ or u, as 
faran but fcerest, dagum, dat. plu. of dceg, dccges, or by 
front vowels that have developed out of original back 
vowels, as hacele ' cloak ' (Goth, hakiils), macian ' make ' 
(Teutonic stem -oja-). In close syllables it generally gives 
place to its substitute ce. 

The /-umlaut of rt: is f (m. f w.). 

Before nasals, especially in Anglian dialects, a was 
rounded into g. Both letters were however written, although 
later on, the fi-sound seems to have prevailed in West Saxon. 
o remains in unstressed words like on (cp. of, with o before 
following lip consonant). 

ce replaces a in close syllables before a group of con- 
sonants, and before final consonants (save w, ;/, //, w). 



2 o6 Manual of L ingu istics. 

There are exceptions such as habban 'have,' assa 'ass,' 
ac 'but.' Analogy conserves a in the imperatives of 
certain strong verbs, e.g. far 'go,' sac 'dispute.' 

(B is sometimes written for umlaut e. 

In open syllables cr may occur in syllables that were 
originally close — a^cer (Goth, acrs); in syllables followed 
by an e that is original, and not weakened from a, o, or u — 
dceges, gen. of dceg; or even in syllables followed by an 
unoriginal e, if that e is (or was) in its turn followed by a 
syllable containing / — ce'6eling ' noble.' 

(e is also a dialectic variation for the a and ea of other 
dialects — Mercian dtegas (W.S. dagas), North. cErc (W.S. 
earc), North, and Mercian gesceh ' saw ' (W.S. geseah). 

ea is the breaking of a. This result is given before final 
h, and h followed by a consonant {x equalling hs), before r 
followed by a consonant, and often before / followed by a 
consonant. In this last case a is common enough in older 
texts, and occurs in Mercian — Mercian fa Han (W.S. 
feallari). 

ea sometimes occurs for a in poetry and dialect, when the 
following syllable contains u (o), e.g. cearu 'care,' geafu, 
plu. o{ gcBt 'gate.' 

ea is also a dialectic variation for eo. 

In the ea that follows the palatals g, c, sc {geaf, ceaster, 
sceal) the f is a graphic means of indicating the preceding 
palatalisation. The vowel is really a. 

A.S. a was the low-back- wide, <z the low-front-wide, g the 
low-back-wide-round, and ea low-front-wide -f low-back- 
Avide. 

In Middle English A.S. cf. and ea were levelled under a. 
This sound was written e [ea), but retained its former value 



Sound Relations in Bno/isk. 



207 



(1. f. w.). Later on it was very widely changed into a, but 
survived in the Kentish dialect. 

o was pretty generally unrounded to a in Middle English, 
but appears in certain words where the sound had been 
group-lengthened. Notice also/ww, of, and o/i. 

The a of Middle English, representing A.S. a, ce, ea, an 
Anglian a that had not undergone breaking, and certain 
shortenings of A.S. (d {ca, a), passed early in the Modern 
English period into (se). 

The lengthened a of Middle English gives of course (ei) 
in Modern English. The passage has been through front- 
ing, raising, narrowing, and diphthongisation, with divergence 
of first element. 

The influence of neighbouring sounds, parasitic develop- 
ment, dialectic survival, the action of analogy, and special 
modern lengthenings have all contributed to produce various 
results. These factors of change are seen at work in the 
following examples : — 

A.S. a (ae, 9, ea). 

B ongemang (q) amang, among among 

mangere (q) -monger monger 

cvvceS cwaS quoth 

8 -weard -ward -ward 



i t£eppet 
praettig 



tipet, tepet 
prati, pretie 



tippet 
pretty 



e gedjeft 
Sanon 



t6g?edre 
manig (q) 
siKgde 



daft, deft deft 

])anene, Jiannes, thence 
thennes 

togadere, togedere together 

mani, moni, meni many 

saide, seide said 



208 



Manual of Linginstics. 



86 


arwe 


ar(e)\ve 


arrow 




arn 


ran 


ran 




niann (q) 


man, mon 


man 




hlanc (<2) 


lank 


lank 




hand (q) 


hand, hoonde 


hand 




sang (q) vb. 


sang, song 


sang 




m^esse 


masse, messe 


mass 




speaiwa 


sparwe 


sparrow 





healfter 


halter 


halter 




walwian 


walwen 


wallow 




wandrian 


wandrien 


wander 




wses 


was 


was 




sang (q) n. 


song, sang 


song 




lang (q) 


long, lang 


long 




(be)g£et 


(bi)gat 


got 


ee 


fearn 


feme 


fern 




{ge)earnian 


ernen 


earn 


ai 


meahte, mrehte 


mahte, mihte 


might 


ei 


ealu 


ale 


ale 




drel 


dale 


dale 




scalu ' land ' 


skale, schale, scole 


scale 




baSian 


ba))en 


bathe 




lator 


later 


later 




gsef 


5af, gaf 


gave 




bced 


bad, bade 


bade 




WKStm 


wastme, westm, wast waist 




hoegl, hagol 


hail 


hail 




slsegen 


slagen, slaine 


slain 




slean (sleahan) 


sleen 


slay 




mreg 


mai, mei 


may- 




eahta 


ahte, eihte 


eight 



SoiLiid Relations in English. 



209 



OU cak], aid 


aid, old 


old 


lealde, talde 


talde, tolde 


told 


camh ((2) 


camb, combe, 


coomb comb 


brrec 


brak 


(brake) bn 


UU waml) (0) 


wambe, wonil 


be womb 


i9 gearwe pi. 


gere 


gear 


beard 


berd 


beard 


a9 iiara 


hare 


hare 


biur adj. 


bare 


bare 


sneare 


snare 


snare 


dearr 


dar 


dare 


aa hxrfest 


hervest 


harvest 


mcarc 


merke 


mark 


eariin 


aren, are 


are 


hratTor 


raiVer 


rather 


pix;« 


pa(< 


path 


castel 


cast el 


castle 


grces 


gres, gras 


grass 


healf, half 


half 


half 


Eehiiesse 


almess 


alms 


hleahtor 


lahter 


laughter 


00 wearm 


warm 


warm 


wa'tcr 


water 


water 


eaJI 


all, al 


all 


bser 


bar, hare 


(bare) bore 


bale ' beam ' 


balke 


baulk 


sleahl 


slahter 


slaughter 


awel 


awel 


awl 


(ge)s£eh 


sagh, saugh 


saw 


sagu ' dictum ' 


sawe 


saw 


dragan 


dragen 


draw 


hafoc 


havek, hauk 


hawk 


feaht, fseht 


faht, faiiht 



fought 



2 1 o Manual of L inguistics. 

among- — The («) of the present language postulates a 
Middle English //-sound. From this sound it developed 
through un-rounding and lowering. There is some author- 
ity for a //-form to among. Compare lung and su?ig n., 
West Midland forms for lo?ig, song, among, like these, had 
had its vowel group-lengthened into o. 

Before ng (and ml?) this lengthening was taken off, and 
the followed the development of M.E. o. This was an 
open sound ; the A.S. o had been close. 

^nof/i — The a of c7C'at) was labialised by the 7i' into o. 
The unemphatic form would end in a sonant i"//. This was 
naturally stopped into d. quoth is a compromise between 
quath and quod. There are other two pronunciations of 
this word, one \\ke froth, the other like both. Of these the 
latter is stictly analogical. 

-ward — This has weak ending with obscure vowel, ivard 
n. has sound (oo). 

tippet — The / of the M.E. form is anomalous. M.E. 
pretie with its shortening termination would resist lengthen- 
ing and should have given mid-front-wide, a sound which 
it has in Scotch. 

thefines is due to the analogy of hennes (A.S. heonan). 
?namg, by analogy of ^nig, became nu^nig. This, under the 
action of the back-shortening terminations, gave mani meni 
in Middle English. The modern many has the spelling of 
one form and the pronunciation of another, saide from 
scBgde (late West Saxon sicde) is regular. A.S. itg regularly 
gave ci, and in the Ancren Riwle the form seide occurs. 
But as Orm, who usually has a for cs, writes sey^de, the e is 
probably got from the other forms of sccgan. ai was also 
a common representation of cvg in certain dialect-areas, and 



Soiuid Relations in Bnclis/i. 2 1 1 



*> ' 



saide was the form handed on for development. When the 
M.E. ai had in the course of its development reached 
the stage of long mid-front-wide, shortening supervened, 
whence the modern (e). Many words suffered similar 
shortenings, as will be seen in due course, e.g., head, bread, 
threat, &c. 

(se) is the regular development, sang — Nasal preterites 
in ng usually develop their a-, other words their 0- forms, 
€.g., song n. 

halter — Early in the modern period a parasitic u was 
developed before /, and henceforward the an- development 
was followed. This has resulted in (00), but in certain 
words shortening and widening took place^ giving as result 
(0). Compare halt and salt, wallow, wander, ivas. The 
zv rounded the a into (0). Lengthened a resists any such 
action of the w, and develops regularly — wave (ei) M.E. 
waiien. song, long develop under 0. 

got — gat is the regular development. The past parti- 
ciple geten took o, on the analogy of broken, and this o 
spread to the preterite. 

fern, earn — The modern (aa), associated with shortness, 
argues a reduction of the group-lengthening of these 
forms. 

might — There was also a form ?nihte in late West Saxon. 
From this form, inight (ai) is a regular development. The 
h passed into a breath-glide, and was merged into the pre- 
ceding /, which thus took on length, and followed the 
development of long /. 

(ei) is the sound into which lengthened a before consonant 
-j- vowel has ultimately passed, scale — This form may come 



2 1 2 Man7ial of Linguistics. 

from Norse skal. Long a was rounded to j,7 in Middle 
English. later, with (ei), is a fresh creation with the vowel 
oi late. M.E. later is legitimately represented by latter, for 
the M.E. form fortified with the back-shortening termina- 
tion would resist lengthening, gave got its long vowel 
from the analogy of the long vowel of the preterite plu. 
geven (M.E. ^awen, levelled under vowel of singular, A.S. 
g{e)afon), and of the past participle and infinitive, both of 
which acquired length in Middle English. Compare brake 
broke, and bare bore. 

bade — The M.E. forms are bad sing., beden plu. Our 
bade with (se) is regular, with (ei), it is an example of the 
levelling of the vowel of the singular under the vowel-length of 
the plural. The M.E. plu. badeii would of itself, quite apart 
from the original vowel-length, take on the length that a 
vowel acquired in Middle English when followed by a con- 
sonant + vowel. M.E. a gives (ei). There is the same 
alternation in sat, sate. Compare gave, brake, bare. 

wastine ivast like other words with i- followed b)' a con- 
sonant would acquire the sound of (seae) — see below 
under (aa) — early in the modern period and should in the 
natural course of things have been now pronounced with 
(aa). Compare fast, from A.S. fcest. Perhaps it is per- 
missible to suppose that, in this word, the (seae) sound was 
developed at a sufficiently early date to enable it to attach 
itself to the sese's that come from M.E. a, and end in (ei), 
e.g., in Jiame. It may be that the analogy of words with long 
vowel before st has given length. Compare for lengthen- 
ing of short vowel before st, yeast (see A.S. e). hail, slain, 
may are regular, ai is a common^representative of A.S. (Bg'va. 



SoiLud Relations in EuqUsIi. 2 i ^ 

Middle English, and has through various stages passed in 
the present language into (ei). M.E. ei at an early date 
was levelled under ai. sleen should have given a vowel- 
sound like tliat in deem, but has imported ai and its sound 
from the participle. 

eif^ht—'WxQ Anglian is cehta, A glide-vowel has been 
developed before the //. Should have had same sound as 
fought. 

old, told — The Anglian a was rounded to g in Middle 
English. This g has now passed into (ou). But spellings 
such as 07vld, &c., prove that / had here, as usual, developed 
the parasite Ji. It makes no difference, gu and g ran to- 
gether in development. 

comb — The ^-form has given development, and seems to 
have retained its group-lengthened long vowel. 

broke— i:\\z M.E. bmk, brehen (A.S. brcBc, bra:con), \)l. 
sing, and plu., were the regular forms. In the North, the 
plural took on the vowel of the singular, while the singular 
vowel took on the length of the plural vowel, and con- 
formed to the long vowel of the past participle and infinitive, 
The infinitive and past participle had acquired lengthening 
in Middle English by the operation of the principle that 
lengthens a vowel before a consonant -f vowel. broke 
got its o from the past participle broken (A.S. brocen). 
Compare spake (x^.S. sp{r)cec sp{r)(tcon). spoke comes 
from a spoken, by analogy of broken. The A.S. part, is 
sprecen. 

womb — The group-lengthened g was labialised by the iv 
into <? and has followed the development of ^' into (uu). 

gere, berd — Long e before r regularly gives (ie). hare, 
&c. — Long a before r gives (aa). 



2 1 4 Manual of L inguistics. 

dar — The a is due to the analogy of the late M.E. pre- 
terite bar (see below). 

hervest, jnerke — r changes e into a, a change which had 
taken place in Middle English. This action of r had a 
wider scope in Modern English, and was general before final 
r, and r + cons. The rt's (ae) thus got were subjected to 
the change that was then overtaking that letter, viz., length- 
ening to (aese). This has passed to (aa) in the present 
language. The lengthening just mentioned took place 
before r, and s followed by consonants, and before th. Note 
also the lengthening in chaff, shaft, craft (A.S. caf scccft, 
crceft). Thus is explained the modern pronunciation of 
harvest, mark, path, castle (and glass). It may be mentioned 
that harfest is one of the words where ce represents 
umlaut-^ (r). are presents the conditions for lengthening, 
and the vulgar pronunciation (aa) is really the regular one. 
The present pronunciation points to an unstressed are. 
ra'6er — In this word the back-shortening ending was some- 
times operative, sometimes not. The first result gives (aa), 
the second (ei). Compare hiter and latter (see above), half, 
laughter — A ii (not always written) has been developed 
before / and guttural h. This parasite was lost and the a 
went to (aa) through (3e,aese). Previously the / in half 
had dropped out between its parasite and the succeeding 
consonant. Eor additional examples take Iialre, calm, 
abns. 

answer (Wicklitte has aii/iswere) — In this word, after 
the analogy of Anglo-French, which wrote a lengthened 
nasal vowel before Ji, with an, a n was developed. This an 
has passed to (aa), without any intermediary. Of course 
French words in an take this development, e.g., annt (and 



Sound Relations in Ejie/is/i. 2 1 



cb 



after its analogy n/it). It is to be noticed that M.E. 
lengthened a does not pass to (aa) but to (ei). 

ivarin — ai- after iv was rounded to (00) — compare dwarf 
(see A.S. e (eo)). water has undergone the same development 
— compare wallow and was (see A.S. a). The M.E. a, and the 
combination vowel + back consonant, are not subject to this 
rounding after w — wax, &c. all, balk — The a + parasitic 
// follows the development of an. This became a monoph- 
thong with sound (c), which was broadened later on into 
(00). ivalk (A.S. wealcafi) has had the same develop- 
ment. Some of the other words in this list have either an 
in Middle English, or have developed a parasitic u before 
guttural //. slaughter — compare with laughter (see above). 
draw—g passes to w after guttural vowels {a, o, u), cp. bo7V 
(A.S. l>oga). drag is a Northern doublet, hawk — -The of 
the A.S. form was levelled under c in Middle English, and 
intervocalic / (a voiced letter) was written v. The v then 
passed to w, after that, followed compression, fought — 
There was a form with au, early in the Modern Period. 
Compare the spellings nought and naught, and daughter, 
with on in Middle, and au in Modern English (see A.S. 0). 
The o in fought doubtless comes from the part, foliten. 
bore — The M.E. bar, bcren (x'X.S. beer, bitroii), pt. sing, and 
plu., were levelled to bar{e), bdren in the North. From 
this came our bare, the short vowel of the preterite sing, 
being levelled under the long vowel of the preterite plu., 
the past part., and the infinitive. The of bore has been 
got from the past part, boren (A.S. boren). Compare broke 
and brake. 

It would perhaps be well to notice the difference between 
behave (ei), and have (se) (A.S. habban, be-habban, M.E. 



2 1 6 Mmiiial of L inguistics. 

behauen, hauen). behave underwent lengthening, have was 
unemphatic, and retained short a. 

haven and lathe are said to derive from Norse hgfn and 
hfS. They are probably new singulars, made for the plural 
forms that came from the plurals hafiiir and hx^ar. But 
there is also found an A.S. hcefene. 

e(eo) : There are two e's in Anglo-Saxon, original Teut. 
e (I.E.^ (/) (Goth. /, a'l (before r and Z^) ), usually said to be 
close, and umlaut e (r), resulting from /-umlaut of a, o, and 
o (rounded a before nasals). Examples of both e's have been 
given in previous chapters. 

e sometimes represents a reduction of the eaihat results 
from breaking of ea followed by /4-cons. and r-l-cons., or 
at times, the {e)a that followed the palatals c, g, sc. 

In Anglian, ea before ?r, rg; is smoothed to e. 

In Kentish, e may represent j, the /-umlaut of//. 

In the same dialect and in Mercian, e can take the place 
of W.S. a-. 

e is also a common levelling for various vowels in 
unstressed syllables. 

eo is the breaking of e before // + cons, (.v = hs), and final 
//, before certain /-groups, and before r-fcons. The break- 
ing of / in similar circumstances is also represented by eo 
(/.). 

eo (Teut. e and /) has sometimes been got from the 
influence of the back vowel // in the succeeding syllable — 
meodu 'mead' (O.H.G. ;w///), seolfor 'silver' (O.H.G. 
silabar). A succeeding o ox a has in certain words the 
same effect. In Mercian examples of this are to be met 
with — beoraji and eotan, W.S. beran and eta>i. 

There is also an eo that is got from Teut. o or n pre- 



Sound Relations in English. 



217 



ceded by tlie palatal combination sc — sc{e)op ' poet ' (O.H.G. 
scoph), sc{e)ort (O.H.G. sciirz). Compare the ea of similar 
origin from Teut. a. 

Teut. J + o (u) is sometimes expressed by ^i^(e)o — ^!;(e)o<: 
'yoke' {h. Jitgum). 

In Anglian, eo before re, rg, rh, is smoothed to e. 

A-S. e was the mid-front-narrow, co the same + mid-back- 
narrow-round, while r was the mid-front-wide. 

In Middle English, A.S. e and r were both levelled under 
f (m.f.w.) A.S. eo was smoothed into open e. This as a 
rule remains unchanged, but the influence of the surround- 
ing sounds, and the operation of certain principles give 
many results in the present language. Lengthened ^ or ^ 
before consonant + vowel, or before certain consonant-groups 

gives (ii). 

A.S. e (eo). 



i svveostor (swuster, 


suster, sister 


sister 


swyster) 






seox (siex, six) 


sixe, sexe 


six 


niengan 


mengen 


mingle 


hredclan 


redden, ridden 


rid 


e ferian 


ferien 


ferry 


welisc (wKlisc) 


walsh 


Welsh 


geolu 


5eolewe, yelwe 


yellow 


. glf, £Elf 


elf 


elf 


le?5er 


lether 


leather 


hgfig 


heuy 


heavy 


ggst, gcest 


gest 


guest 


geostran - daeg 


5erstendai, :isterdai 


yesterday 


(gystra-) 






86 tergan 


terien, tarien 


tarry 


■<5erscan 


I'reschen, thresshe 


thresh, thrash 


gemc'cca, gemivcca 


meche, niache 


match 



eom, earn (Anglian) earn, am 



am 



2l8 



Manual of Linguistics. 



88 ceorl 


cherl, chorle, churle 


clnirl 


l>eornan 


bernen 


burn 


eorl 


erle 


earl 


eorSe 


erthe 


earth 


leornian 


leinen 


learn 


sweorfan 


svverven 


swerve 


stgrne, styrne 


sturne, stirne, sterna 


stern 


heord 


heerde, herd 


lierd 


weorS 


wurth, worth 


worth 


weorc 


werk, wore 


work 


ai reoht (ie, i) 


riht, ryght 


right 


feohtan 


fihten, fi3te 


fight 


beorht 


briht, bri3t 


bright 


ai8 teorian, tyrian 


tiren 


tire 


ei sweSian 


swathen 


swathe 


weg 


wei, wey 


way 


plegian 


pleien 


play 


lecgan 


leien 


lay 


seg(e)l 


seil 


sail 


regen 


rein 


rain 


bregdan 


breiden 


braid 


'fiegen 


Jiein 


thane 


brecan 


breken 


break 


OTl geolca 


jelke, 3olke 


yolk 


ii stelan 


stelen 


steal 


wgnian 


wenen 


wean 


gest (gist) 


5eest 


yeast 


seolh 


sele 


seal 


reopan (ripan ?) 


repen 


reap 


peosan (io) phi. 


pese, pesen plu. 


pease 


veik (Norse) 


weik, waik 


weak 


sprecan 


speken 


speak 


sceld 


scheeld, sheld 


shield 


(ge) weld an 


welden 


wield 


efen 


euen 


even 


feoh 


fee, fe 


fee 



Sound Relations in EnoUsJi. 



2J9 



uu 


stix-wian 




strewen, strawcn 


strew, straw 


yuu 


cowu 




ewe 


ewe 




efete 




euete, ewte 


newt 


i9 


spere 




spere 


spear 




mere 




mere 


mere 


aa 


swci'ian 




sweren, swerien 


swear 




mere 




mere, mare 


mare 




leger 




leir 


lair 




tJeira gen. 


(Norse) 


j)eire, thair 


their 


aa 


heorot 




hert 


hart 




merran 




mcrren, marren 


mar 




bgrn 




berne 


barn 




heorff 




berth 


hearth 




hlehhan 




lauhcn 


laugh 


00 


dweorg 




dwergh, dwerf 


dwarf 




sweord (u 


, o) 


swerd, sword 


sword 




geonian, ganian 


5enien, ganien, gonen 


yawn 



suster. — The u was ii, or ii, as a spelling with o shews. 
sister — This spelling shows the unrounding of A.S. y into 
/'. sicx, six — These forms are due to palatal umlaut oieo. 

mingle, rid — The raising to / is seen in many words link, 
Englisli, singe, string, kill (A.S. hience, ejiglisc, sengan, strejig, 
cwejlaii). 

ferien, &c. — This is the regular change into (e). 

walsh — The a for e is perhaps got from JVeal/i, ' a Welsh- 
man,' which would give a in Middle English. This word 
however had long ea when // was dropped in declension 
before a \owel. ivielisc, where ce. has its occasional function 
of representing umlaut-^, might so far as the spelling is con- 
cerned, have given a in Middle English. The proper name 
Walsh preserves the a. 

yehve — iv occurred in gcolu in the oblique cases before a 



2 20 Manual of L iiigidstics. 

vowel, elf — There also occurs a M.E. form alfe. From 
the long open o, produced by influence of Norse alfr, has 
been developed oaf (ou). lether has the back-shortening 
termination which often prevents lengthening before conso- 
nant -I- vowel, but the ea of leather points to long open e. 
This would be shortened in modern times as in the case of 
health, heavy, &c. 

guest —TX^t gti after the French fashion indicated guttural 
hardness. --^erstendai — The r has backed into the previous 
syllable, gystra accounts for the / of the other M.E. form. 

tarien — In late Middle English, r had broadened e to a in 
certain words. The influence of r in Modern English 
increased. Words with er followed by a vowel, as was the 
case with the M.E. forms of harry and tarry, were spared, 
but outside of these, the change was very general, save in 
her, which, being weak, has passed into (ea), through ('b), 
and ('B8). 

This broadening often took place before two conso- 
nants. The a was in this position subject to the lengthen- 
ing that ultimately gave (aa) (see above under harvest, and 
below under hart). 

thrash — The change of e into a (ae) is due to the influ- 
ence of the r. For the metathesis compare /^rj-i: 2Si^ fresh. 
The r originally preceded e. mache gives match, and is 
itself got from geniircca, where the a;, though representing 
umlaut-f, has followed the usual course of te. cam, am — 
The form com (for //;/, cp. Goth im) is due to the influence 
of the form corun, where the co is due to //-umlaut, eo, when 
unemphatic, tended through unrounding of second element 
to ea. The cam thus got, under the influence of waning 
stress, shifted its strength to the second. The first element 
then sloughed off, leaving a. 



Sound Relations in LnoHsh. 221 



•<b ' 



Many of tlie words with (se), where the conditions were 
present (;- or / followed by voiced consonants), suffered 
group-lengthening in Middle English. The presence of m 
is a proof of the long open c-sound. These dropped length 
in the Modern Period, for (sa) is got from short vowels (/>, 
er, iir). burn — The //r may be got either from the ^//--forms 
of the Anglo-Saxon, viz., the pret. plu,, or the past participle, 
or from the labialising influence of /' on co, or, it may be, 
from late byrnaiu Compare for ur and metathesis, hurst 
(A.S. bastan, burstoti pret. plu.). Originally r came after/- 
in this verb. In ivcor'6 and tvcorc the tv would produce a 
«-sound. 

reoht, feohfan — Palatal umlaut gives the ie i, whence the 
M.E. forms. The (ai) was got in the usual way. The h 
was merged into a glide, which, joined with the preceding 
vowel, gave long /, whence (ai). brihi — Palatal // changed 
the e of breht into /. Note the metathesis, the converse of 
what usually takes place. The original position of the r is 
beside the //. 

th-e — This word would follow the analogy of the many 
longs in -ire, e.g., hire, &c. Contrast stir (A.S. styrian). 

swathen — The a for c comes from the noun, A.S. szva^u, 
M.E. swathe 'track.' iveg, &c. — A.S. eg and eg regularly, 
by vocalisation of g, give ei in Middle English. The spel- 
lings ci and ai (A.S. ceg) were however confused in late 
Middle English and Modern English. Hence the ai and 
^n' of the modern words. 

lejgan — The r^''-forms of this word would give ei. thane — 
This spelling occurs in the Alliterative Poems. The a in 
sivathen before cons, -f- vowel, and M.E. ei, give alike in 
INIodern English the result (ei). break — The long close e. 



2 2 2 Manual of L ingnistics. 

into which lengthened c had passed, was retained by r. A 
pronunciation with (ii) is on record. Compare great 
(see A.S. ea). For yolk from g{e)olca, compare yoke from 
g{e)oc {M.JL. yok{e)), the one due to parasitic on, the other 
to lengthening of o into long open o before consonant + 
vowel- Both these effects give (ou). ylkc represents the 
common smoothing of the eo. 

stelen, &c. — Many of these words acquired their present 
sound from lengthening, yeast must have got associated 
with some words that exhibit length before st, e.g. /east, 
east. Compare beast and feast with an original short e. 
A short sound for yeast is also on record. seo//i and feoh 
would in the oblique cases, on the dropping of h before a 
vowel, have eo. weak — The long open e that came from ei, 
at the beginning of the Modern Period, seems to have got 
mixed with the long open e that came from M.E. e, and to 
have followed its development. Or there may have been a 
form wiec, a variant of A.S. jfJr ' weak.' cc gives (ii) in 
Modern English, speak — In late West Saxon there was a 
form specan. shield, wield — The long vowel is due to group- 
lengthening, ie was sometimes employed in Middle English 
to represent the long close e. even — The back-shortening 
termination was here inoperative. 

strewen, &c. — The e probably became long in Middle Eng- 
lish (before cons. -f vowel), eii. gave (yuu), through various 
intermediates, with shifting of stress on to second element, 
and consonantisation of iirst element. The y was dropped 
after certain letters r, 1 (not always), t&c. Cockneys and 
Yankees drop it more widely, e^ute — For vocalisation of/ 
compare M.E. Imuk (A.S. hafoc). newt — The n is due to 
combinations with the indefinite article an. Perhaps the 



Sound Relations in Ejigiish. 223 

«-sound was repeated initially before the succeeding vowel, 
securing attachment in certain cases. Compare u uncle, 
nui:;get With regard to M.E. strawen, it may come from 
an A.S. variant with iv, for umlaut-<? — cp. match. 

spere, mere — er (vowel lengthened before consonant + 
vowel) gives (ia) and also (as), mare — The a is got from 
A.S. Jiieark ' horse.' /air exhibits confusion between ei 
and ai. fhci'r derives from Norse ]^eira, gen. i)lu. of pers. 
pron. (but originally demonstrative). The forms of the 
demonstrative plural, had, owing to confusion between the 
singular and plural forms of the personal pronoun, begun 
to come into use. The usage received impetus, and the 
demonstrative forms colouring, from the Norse. jv, 
'\>^m, ]>dra were coloured by ]^eir {-r = \Aw. suffix), ]>cim, 
Ipeira, into ]->tv, ]^e/m, \eire. The standard dialect ad- 
mitted \ei, but still used the personal forms here, hire, 
hir, for genitive, and he^n, for dat. and ace. them has 
the vowel oi hem, and the consonant of the demonstrative. 
\>d was of course the A.S. plural of the demonstrative 
(M.E. ]>d). eir {air) gives (aa) in the present language. 

hart — The e of the M.E. form was broadened to a by the 
r, then suffered the lengthening that a underwent before r 
followed by a consonant. The sese thus got, has passed 
regularly to (aa). So with mar and i>arn. barn did not 
undergo group-lengthening. The spelling of hearth shews 
that it was subjected to lengthening. This lengthen- 
ing was reduced or perhaps not constant. Then followed 
the same changes as in hart. The words that exhibit this 
reduced group-lengthening before r such as carl, earn, ike, 
have usually (aa) in the present language. These doubtless 
kept the lengthening longer. In heart the reason of the ea 



2 24 Maintal of Linguistic s^ 

.is not quite obvious. The word does not present the con- 
ditions for group-lengthening. Sweet says that the ea ' may 
be a mere orthographic compromise between /^^r/and hart.^ 
lauhen — The a may have come from an A.S. variant in cs, 
or may have been imported from the noun hleahtor. The 
developed // has had no influence on the result. Compare 
laughter (see A.S. a). 

dwerf — The e was broadened by the r into a, and rounded 
{after passing to (aa), through lengthened ae) by the iv into 
(aa). S7verd, sivord. — Both were group-lengthened. Tyndale 
writes sweard (long open e), a pronunciation, which, per- 
haps shortened to the sound of herd, and with the r trilled, 
is not yet gone. In the second form, the group-lengthened 
(o), that came down from Anglian, should remain close o, 
and follow its development. And this is so. Long ?/ (the 
usual development of M.E. o) is given as its pronunciation 
in the phonetic authorities of the Modern Period. It also 
suffered shortening, and passed quite regularly to ("b). Long 
z( before r, carried to its usual development, should have 
given the sound heard in moor (ue), but seems, as in the 
case oi Jloor (A.S. flor), to have been broadened to (oo). 
Compare board. 

yatvn — A.S. gdnian would give o in Middle English. 
This seems to have been kept and narrowed as in the case 
of broad (see A.S. a). With regard to the spelling it is to be 
noticed that a7i' has the phonetic value (od), and that a form 
with a existed in Middle English. ynieti represents a 
smoothing of A.S. eo. 

i : A.S. / corresponds to Teut. / (Goth, ai before r and h). 
This represents I.E. /, and before nasal followed by con- 
sonant, li'C, I.E. e. 



Sound Relations in English. 225 

Teut. i in certain words may represent I.E. e — wind 
(L. ventus, I.E. iimto-). 

Before nasals, A.S. / may correspond to Teut. e (I.E. e) — 
nhnan (O.H.G. 7ieman). But these facts have been put 
down in a previous chapter (page 27). 

There is also an umlaut-/ in Anglo-Saxon. It has various 
functions, representing (i) j', /-umlaut of ?/, before r, g, h 
(2) ic, palatal umlaut of eo (breaking of f), before ht — riht 
{reoht, rieht), or ie, /-umlaut of the eo that may come from 
original J + u — gingra {giengra), comp. of geong (3) ie, 
palatal umlaut of ea (breaking of a) before ht — niht {neaht), 
or ic, /-umlaut of ea (breaking of a) — ildo {Jcjdu, O.H.G. 
alt'i, elti), or ie, /-umlaut of {e)a (palatal umlaut of a — scieppan 
(Goth, skapjan), weak vb., from sceapan {{e)a). 

In unstressed syllables / may represent older /. 

A.S. /was the high-front-narrow. 

A.S. /remains in Middle English. M.E. /also represents 
the unrounded A.S. y. It (like u) is not subject to the 
lengthening which M.E. vowels take on before cons. + 
vowel, but it suifers group-lengthening. 

Modern / has become wide. There were two i's at 
the beginning of the Modern Period, a narrow / and a 
wide /. 







A.S. i. 




'B micel, mycel 




muche, moche 


imich 


rise (rysc) 




rusche, rische 


rush 


cwidu 




cude 


cud 


i bill ' ensis ' 




bil 


bill 


fi'SoIe 




fiSele, fidylle 


fiddle 


seol(o)c (silccn 


adj.) 


selke, silke 


silk 


sife 




siue 


sieve 


e gise 




yis 

P 


yes 



226 



Manual of Linguistics. 



89 hire, hyre 


hire, hure, here 


her 


cirice, cyrc 


chirche, churche, 
cherche 


church 


birce 


birche 


birch 


Srittig 


Jjritty, J)retty, ])erty 


thirty 


bridd 


brid, byrde 


bird 


ai cild 


child 


child 


behindan 


behinde 


behind 


ic 


ic, ich, ih, ig, i, y 


I 


pliht 


pliht 


plight 


nigon 


ni^en, nin 


nine 


stigu 


stie, stye, sti 


sty 


ei {ge)wihte 


wyght, weight 


weight 


ii wifel 


wiuel, weuel 


weevil 


wicu. wucu 


wike, wuke, weke 


week 




J>ise, ])ese 


these 



inuche — This form is due to an A.S. niycel, got by the 
analogy of lytel. The il was made into u by the initial 
labial. The o of moche denotes the ?<;-sound (see under u) 
The forms miichel and mochel also occur in Middle English 
— cp. Scotch muckle. M.E. it has passed to (b) through un- 
rounding and lowering, rusche comes from a variant rysc. 
aide — The loi of A.S. cividu would naturally give a ti — cp. 
the A.S. variants widii and wudu ' wood ' (see under u). quid 
is the regular development, fiddle—^ is often replaced by 
d in Modern English, chiefly in the neighbourhood of r and 
/ — cp. murder and rudder (A.S. ?nor^or, ro'Sor). We have 
the usual doubling of consonants to indicate shortness of 
vowel. scale {eo, ^-umlaut of /) would give M.E. selke. 
Development has followed the /-sound. The / in siken is 
a reproduction of the original vowel by /-umlaut of ea 
(through ie). sieve — The ie is perhaps due to a wish to 
avoid the characterless spelling of sine. 



Sound Relations in Enolish. 227 

yes — The e is due to a dislike to the conjunction of the 
-cognate consonantal and vocalic sounds of jv and / in yis, the 
Middle English and Early Modern form. Compare yet 
(M.E.j^//, X.'$>. git). 

here — The lowering of / to e is due to lack of stress, er 
{ir) in the present language gives (ea). hure derives from 
hyre. churche comes from cyrc. From this comes the 
modern word, nr also gives (as). cherche is Kentish, a 
dialect in which e appears for A.S. y. \retty — Some of the 
related numerals have eo. This would give e. third, 
thirteen, and thirty have suffered the same transposition — 
cp. bird, byrde—y was written for / in late Middle English. 
child., behind get their sound from a group-lengthened /. 

Long / gives (ai). I^c in Anglo-Saxon was often fronted 
after front vowel. This helped by waning stress would give 
M.E, ich. Northumbrian in unstressed positions has ///, 
compare snegdig ' said I.' Consonants were dropped in 
unaccented monosyllables. Hence the weak i and the 
modern sound, piiht — h was weakened into a glide which 
coalesced with z and produced /. A similar explanation holds 
ior stye diwd fiine. Some authorities give A.Si. st'igii. M.E. 
nin was inflected when used without a noun, and written 
nine with plural ending. 

weight — The ci has come from wegaii ' to weigh,' where it 
was got from vocalisation of g after palatal e. 

wewel — The e is said to be due to the analogy of wefan. 
7W/^i?—Ettm tiller quotes an A.S. weoce (see A.S. u), which 
would yield 7i<eke. e can take on the lengthening that is got 
in the sequence of cons. + vowel. Long e gives (ii) in the 
present language. ]>ese gives these. It is a weak form of 
]->ise. The e is the plural ending. A new plural was formed 



2 28 Mmnial of L inguistics. 

by adding e to \is, nom. sing. n. after the old plural \os 
(A.S. \ds) had gone out of use. 

In speaking above of much it would have been well to 
have compared such. The A.S. form is swylc {swilc, sweic). 
M.E. forms are stvik, szvich, szvtich, soche. For the passage 
between zvi and u compare A.S. cwidu, M.E. cude. The 
ch of the M.E. forms is noticeable. The c of Anglo-Saxon 
was possibly fronted before the e of the oblique cases, or 
the ch may be due to want of stress. At any rate a similar 
ch appears in certain pronominal words — hwich, ech (A.S. 
hivilc, felc). The vulgar pronunciation of such still pre- 
serves the memory of the M.E. forms that had completely 
unrounded the A.S. y. 

: A.S. o (close) corresponds to Teut. u (o) (O.H.G. o 
and //, Goth, u, aii (before r and h), I.E. u). 

The prefix represented by Goth, us-, O.H.G. ur-, 

appears in Anglo-Saxon as or orsorg 'careless' (O.H.G. 

ursurgi). 

Dialectically (Northumbrian), after iv, o stands for eo, the 
breaking of e — wore {weorc), and for eo, the ?/-umlaut of e — 
worold {tveoruld). 

Final o may represent the u (vocalised iv) of the nomina- 
tive of ivo- stems — searo (also u) ' armour ' gen. sea?-wes, also 
another ii (Teut. J), in words like i/do (u) 'age' (I'e/du, O.H.G., 
a/^I, ejti). The breaking ea in unstressed syllables may be 
represented by o — hldford {hldf, weard). Long a (Teut. ai) 
may be similarly represented — eorod ' troop ' {eoh ' horse,' 
nld ' riding '). 

Teut. -un]) may pass through -/75' into -(?e) (also ti^) — 
geogti'S 'youth' (O.H.G. jugund). So may Teut. -an\ 
through -oivS, -JS. 



Sound Relations in English. 229 

And may be developed before a final liquid — -fugol 
* fowl ' (Goth. fi/i,'/s), hlhtor ' pure ' (Goth. hlFttrs). 

The or and ol that represent I.E. rand /have already 
been alluded to (pages 64 and 66). 

The g (open) from orig. a has been spoken of under a. 

A.S. o was the mid-back-narrow-round. 

The sound was widened in Middle English. It remained 
for some time in Modern English, but was at length lowered 
to present sound. It was also changed at a later date into 
(od) before certain consonants, viz., s, th, in fact, before the 
same following that lengthened a (page 214). 

Lengthened before a consonant + vowel it gives (ou) — 
nose (A.S. tiosu), like the long open o {g) that came from 
A.S. a, e.g., home (A.S. haui). 

The lengthenings of Anglian before certain consonant- 
groups {rd, Id, &c.) are maintained with restrictions (page 
200). They are naturally handed down into Middle English 
with close 0, and keep by it, but at the uur stage (see under 
o), the sound is broadened into (00). Compare A.'S>.fldr into 
Jloor (00). Compare also sword (page 224) and word (see next 
list). Some words, however, like board and hoard (A.S. l>ord 
and hard), seem, judging from the oa, to have acquired a long 
open ^-sound. gold came down into Middle English with 
group-lengthened close 0. This regularly gives long u, a pro- 
nunciation in vogue last century. A parasitic u added to o 
accounts for the modern pronunciation. 

For ou from ol see under a. 





A.S. 0. 




« scofel 


schouel 


shovel 


ofen 


ouen 


often 


floterian 


floteren 


flutter 



2.^0 



Alamuil of Linguistics. 



9 copor 


coper 


copper 


Sonne 


)jan, J)en 


than 


e woken 


welkne 


welkin 


Sonne, Scenne 


J)an, ]jen 


then 


U scolde 


scholde, schulde 


should 


wolde 


wolde, wolde 


would 


morgan 


morwen 


morrow 


hole{g)n 


holi 


holly 


docce 


dokke 


dock 


oxa 


oxe 


ox 


god 


god 


god 


bodig 


bodi 


body 


(an), on 


(a), on, 


on 


88 word 


worde 


word 


woruld, weoruld 


world, wereld, wurld 


world 


spora, spura 


spare 


spur 


morSor n. 


morther 


murder 


OU hoi 


hole 


hole 


cnoll 


knol 


knoll 


folc 


folc 


folk 


geoc 


50k, yok 


yoke 


ceocian 


choken, cheken 


choke 


ofer 


ouer 


over 


fola 


fole 


foal 


molde n. 


molde 


mould 


flogen 


flowen 


flown 


bolla 


bolle 


bowl 


08 scorn 


sc(h)ore 


score 


beforan, biforan 


befor, bifore 


before 


00 sworen 


sworen 


sworn 


forS 


forth 


forth 


broS 


broth 


broth 


frost 


frost 


frost 



Cioicn. 


a i\eiaiions in L 


'.ngnsn. 


23 


bord 


bord 


board 




cohhettan 


coughen 


cough 




trog, troll 


trogh, trough 


trough 




bohte 


bohte, bouhte 


bought 




dohtor 


dohter, doubter 


daughter 





shovel, &c. — The sound {'b) argues a previous short Ji. 
This sound these words may have acquired by association 
with the o, that was a graphic device for 21 before consonantal 
21. The verb shove (A.S. scufan with shortening of u in 
M.E.) has (b), and may have influenced shovel. All these 
words had back-shortening syllables and resisted lengthening. 
Compare for the development among. 

copper, tha7i — The vowel of unstrest syllables and unstrest 
words naturally becomes the obscure (a). 

welkin — Owing to association (^cveo\ sometimes become 
7vd% cp. zvori/ld, for weoruld) the spellings iveo and wo get 
mixed. M.E. welkne acquired its e from the smoothing of 
a form beginning with weo. then derives from the late W.S. 
'•Scenne. 

scholde, 7volde — These occur with short vowel in the 
Ormulum, in spite of the group-lengthener Id. Diminished 
stress will explain this. Afterwards both acquired a ?/-form, 
scholde from the plural schulen (A.S. scidon), or from the 
infinitive, and ivolde from the rounding effect of the 7V on 0. 
This u was lengthened before Id. Lack of stress induced 
shortening. In weak positions / was dropped, and the /-less 
forms have prevailed. 

morwen, &c., develop o in the usual way. holi, bodi — The 
back-shortening terminations prevented lengthening. 

tvord — The (89) argues a shortening of the long u that 
came from M.E. (from group-lengthened Anglian 0). 

So with world, ur gives (aa) — wereld represents the 



232 Manual of L inguistics. 

usual smoothing, vnirder — The 21 comes from the verb 
myy^ran. 

hole — Lengthened became (ou). So did parasitic ou, as 
in folk and bowl. A parasitic u was developed between 
o and /, just as between a and /, and not always written. 
yoke^ choke. — In geoc and ceocian, the e is used diacritically to 
indicate palatalisation of the preceding consonant. The 
developing vowel will then be 0. But we have also on 
record cheken, got from usual smoothing of the eo. Compare 
chese, from ceosaii. 

oner — This word underwent lengthening. The back- 
shortening ending was inoperative, molde was group-leng- 
thened, but the present sound is due to development of 
parasitic 11. flogen — og into ou, with usual result. 

score, before, sworen — The was lengthened before cons. 
-H vowel. Long open o ^-r gives (oa) or (00). forth, frost, 
broth — These have lengthened into (oo). Contrast post 
' stake,' with (ou). It has taken after the Romance post, 
bord, group-lengthened, with usual change of long open o 
into (do) before r. See page 229. trog — Open g, when 
final, was unvoiced in late West-Saxon. The // that was 
developed before the gh in cough, trough, bought, had no 
influence on the development. The followed pretty much 
the usual course to (oo). Compare for neglect of 2c and 
lengthening — laughter (see page 214). daughter had the 
same development, but is spelt with an on the model of 
words like slaughter (see page 215). Compare the two 
spellings naught and nought. These different spellings of 
the same word have been utilised, fought also once had 
a \2x\'xxv\. f aught (see page 215). au and o[u) have the same 
development before //. 



Sound Relations in Engiish. 233 

Another example of o into ('b) is A.S. dol, M.E. dul, 
Mod. E. dull. Perhaps the influence of Norse did ' con- 
ceit' may have brought in u. Another example is given 
by Sweet, viz., tug, from A.S. togiaji. With regard to oven 
and shovel, is it not possible that the 02i of the spelling would 
suggest the pronunciation of long tc. This may afterwards 
have been shortened, before the passage to ('b). In the case 
of hovel, the pronunciation seems to have fluctuated between 
(13) and (0). The former is still often heard. 

u : A.S. n corresponds to Teut. ii~sunu (Goth, sunns). 

After 7£', u represents (i) eo, the breaking of e — swurd 
{sweord) (2) eo {id), the breaking of / — ivuht {iviht) ' thing ' 

(3) eo {io) the u-umXzMi of / — wudu {zviodu, zvidu) 'wood' 

(4) an eo, due to the action of 7v on e — sivustor {sweostor, 
O.H.G. swester). u also occurs for wu = 7vi (Teut. zve) in 
cu77ian = cwiman (O.H.G. quenian) — cp. uht for wuht. 

Some of the uses of u in unstressed syllables are worth 
recording. It may stand for ca—fultuvi ' help ' (fulteam). 
In Northumbrian u {-w) stands for eo{iv)—ldruw 'teacher' 
{Idreow — Idr ' learning,' '^Seoiv ' servant '). 

Final u may represent (i) I.E. a (Teut. o, O.H.G. ti) — 
giefu 'gift' — compare the a of the ^F-declension (2) I.E. in 
(Teut. urn) — h nitu Vicc. sing, 'nit' (Gk. -/.oviha) (3) I.E. o, 
in the Mercian pres. tense of verbs — l>eon/ (L. fero), W.S. 
iere. And // may be developed before a final nasal — 
md'Sum ' treasure ' (Goth. mdi\ms ' gift '). 

The un and um, ur and ul that represent I.E. ;/, w, r, /, 
have been spoken of in a previous chapter — genumen 
{O.Yi.Q. glnomati), wulf {O.Yi.Q,. wolf). 

A.S. u was the high-back-narrow-round. 

In Middle English the A.S. u retained its sound, but in 



234 



Manual of Linguistics. 



the Modern Period was unrounded, and then lowered to ('b). 
In many words where the sound under change was flanked 
by a lip-consonant and /, a letter with a strong affinity for u^ 
the z/-sound was brought back, e.g., in full, pull, &c. An 
initial iv also tended to conserve the z^-sound. In some 
words the passage to ("b) had been accomplished, and this- 
sound may still be heard in certain pronunciations of 
butcher, ivoman, &c. 

In Middle English, ii was often written as o, especially 
beside consonants with outlines resembling those of ?^, viz.,^ 
71, m, u (consonantal), and before a cons. + vowel, seeing that 
this is a position often occupied by Fr. ?/, and suggestive of it. 
In Middle English, u, like /, was not subject to lengthening 
before a cons. + vowel, but was liable to group-lengthening. 







A.S. u. 




B 


urnen, pret. par 


t urnen 


run 




fiirh 


furgh, forwe 


furrow 




t)uih 


purgh, Jmruh, 
thorou 


thorough 




lufu 


lufe, loue 


love 




sunu 


sune, sone 


son 


a 


bulluck 


bullok 


bullock 




uppan 


uppon, upon 


upon 


u 


wuUe 


wolle 


wool 




wudu 


wude, wode 


wood 




wulf 


wlf, wolf 


wolf 




full 


ful, fol 


full 


ee 


furSor 


furffer 


further 




curs 


curs, cors 


curse 


au 


druncnian 


drunknen, drounen 


drown 




hund 


hund, hound 


hound 




sugu 


suwe 


sow 



Sound Relations in English. 



235 



ou 


culter 


culter, coltre 


coulter 




gewnnod 


iwuned, iwoned 


wont 


uu 


wund 


wounde 


wound 




■5'urh 


tlirugh 


through 


aa 


furSor 


ferther 


farther 


00 


duru 


dure, dore 


door 




murnan 


murnen, mornen, 
niournen 


mourn 



rmi — The infinitive may get its vowel from the participle 
urnen. Or the ic may have been got from the late W,S. 
yrnan through iimen. The regular infinitive would be, and 
is dialectically, rin (A.S. irnan). For the transposition in 
the various forms of this verb compare burti (A.S. byrnan, 
Teut, b rin nan) (see also page 221). ]^///'«/z gives regularly 
thorough — cp. borough^ A.S. biirh, M.E. bureh. For the 
^;-forms see above. 

bullock (second syllable), upon — In unstrest syllables 
and unstressed words (9) is a natural enough termination 
for (-b). 

wool, bullock (first syllable), &c. — These are examples of 
the retention of the //-sound, referred to above. The spell- 
ing 00 has probably been adopted as more suggestive than 
the single 0, which is usually associated with the sound of o 
in god. wlf — w contraction for ivu. 

further — itr gives (aa) — compare below, farther. 

drounen — The long //, evidenced by ou, is due to com- 
pensation for loss of k, and has followed the development 
of long u. hound — group-lengthened to u. sugu — After 
71, g became li) and then coalesced with u, giving u, whence 
(au). 

coulter — A u has been developed before the /, and the 



236 Manual of L ing uistics. 

^(?^)/-development followed, as in bowl (A.S. bolld). Compare 
sJwuIder (A..S. sen /dor), wont — The regular pronunciation 
is (b). The (ou) pronunciation has perhaps come from 
association with the other wont^ sounded like dont. 

farther— ferther gets its er from M.E, ferre{r), comp. of 
fer {A.'&. feorr). In Modern English, ^r would become ar, 
by influence of r. The a in its position before r + cons. 
gives regularly (aa) through (aeas). 

ivotmd — The M.E. u has been preserved through the 
conserving influence of w. wound (A.S. wimden) the 
participle of ?mW has followed the other participles y^/if;?^, 
bound &c. through — The (uu) sound is that of a weak 
form. A strong form would have yielded the same sound 
as rough. 

dure — One would have expected (agr) in the present 
language, as in the case of M.E. spure (x\.S. spura). dure 
and spure rhyme together in the Owl and the Nightingale. 
The Modern English phonetic authorities give long u as 
the pronunciation of the first vowel of this word. The 
cause of the lengthening is not clear. Later on (early in 
the 1 8th century), the nur seems to have been broadened 
into (oor), by the action of the r. (Zom^2.x& floor (A.S. flor, 
M.'E.flor) for the broadening of nur into (oor). For this 
word, the sound in nn)or (A.S. /nor) was to have been ex- 
pected, door on phonetic authority had early in the iSth 
century the pronunciation of long close o, as indeed the 
spelling 00 argues, mournen — The ou is evidence of length 
in Middle English. The long u (caused by group-lengthen- 
ing) seems to have been retained in Modern English (as 
recorded in the phonetic authorities) and broadened later 
on (early in the i8th century) into (00). mourn is quoted 



Soimd Relations in Eiiglish. 



^2>7 



with long close o in a phonetic authority of the beginning 
of the 1 8th century. A form with short ii (without group- 
lengthening — compare turn) seems also to have come up 
from Middle English, for the pronunciation (12), the common 
outcome of short u, is also given on authority. 

y : A.S. y is either /-umlaut of u, or stands for one of the 
zV's, either zV, /-umlaut of ea (breaking of a), or ie, /-umlaut 
of eo (breaking of c). nyllan, &c., is for ?ie willan, &c. 
In Kentish y was lowered and unrounded to e. 
A.S. y was the high-front-narrow-round. 
In Middle English y is in many quarters unrounded to /, 
but y still survived in the South and was written u {ii). 
In Kentish the representation is e. 

The character y was often written for the sound / in late 
Middle English, especially in the neighbourhood of ;/, m, u, 
and at the end of words. 

A.S. y will then in Modern English follow the develop- 
ment of //, /, and e. 

A.S. y. 
B jirysce ]-rusche thrush 

ciycc crucche crutch 

byndele bundel bundle 

scyttan shutten, shitten, shut 

scht'tten 
wyrgan (a)\vurien, wirwen, worry 

worowen 



i mylen 


myln, mylle, mulle, 


mill 


myne 


menow 


minnow 


try mm an 


trumen, trimen 


trim 


bysig 


busy, bisi, besi 


busy 


gyit 


gylt, gult, gilt 


guilt 


byldan 


bulden, buildcn, 
bilden, belden 


build 



2 -.8 



Maimal of Linguistics. 



e 


myrg 


myrie, murie, mene 


merry 




cnyllan 


cnullen, knellen 


knell 




lyft adj. 


lyft, luft, lift, left 


left 




hymlic 


humlok, hemlok 


hemlock 




byrigan 


burien, birien, berien 


bury 


08 


wyrst 


wurst, worst, werst 


worst 




wyrm 


wurm, worm 


worm 




cyrnel 


kurnel, kirnel, kernel 


kernel 




styrian 


styren, sturen, stiren 


stir 




byrSen 


burSene, birthin 


burden 


ai 


fyrhto (ry) 


friht 


fright 




{ge)cynde adj. 


kinde 


kind 




ryge 


rie 


rye 


au 


dyhtig 


duhti, dohte, douti 


doughty 


ii 


yfel 


yuele, uuele, euele 


evil 




wyrd 


wirde, werd, wierde, 
weird 


weird 


00 


hyrnetu 




hornet 



\riishe — M.E. 7i developed in Modern English through 
unrounding and lowering into (b). schetten is Kentish. 
worowen — The o shews that the ii = // had, owing to influ- 
ence of lip-consonant iv, been completely backed to n, for 
which is a common variant in the neighbourhood of fi, 
ni, and 2t. busy — The pronunciation of the modern spelling 
proves that the M.E. u^ii had not become n, but had 
remained and been unrounded to / later on, unless the 
present pronunciation has been transmitted from bisi. gicilt 
— The gu indicates hardness. As for minnow, no M.E. form 
in /is quoted, merie — The ^-forms have given development. 
bury has the spelling of one dialect and the pronunciation 
of another, builden — The ui argues long // in Middle 



Sotmd Relations in English. 239 

English. To account for the modern pronunciation (got 
from later unrounding of ii, or transmitted from form 
hilden), there must also have been a form with short 
vowel exceptionally retained before Id. Vox similar reten- 
tion, compare ^'-//^ (A.S. gyldati). 

■worst, worm — These M.E. forms shew that the ii had 
been completely backed to 7i. ur gives (aa) in the present 
language. So do ir and er. 

friht — The h changed into a glide, which with preceding 
/ gave 7, whence the modern (ai). kinde — The / was group- 
lengthened to i. For rie compare stie (page 226). 

doughty got long u from effect of parasitic vowel de- 
veloped before //. The spelling has been influenced by 
M.E. dowen and doiight (A.S. diigan, dohte). The long u 
it developed to (au). 

euele — Kentish e, with usual lengthening before cons. + 
vowel, will give in the present language (ii). iverd group- 
lengthened gives long e. This close e was sometimes de- 
noted by ie, which in Anglo-French had been smoothed into 
e. And ci in some words of French extraction must have 
had this sound, judging from their development, e.g., deceit, 
seisofi [sesoun). So that wierd and tveird denote the same 
sound as 2ve?'d. 

hornet — No M.E. form is quoted. Sweet says the analogy 
of horn gives hornet. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Sound Relations in English — Long Vowels and 

Consonants, 

a: A.S. J corresponds toTeut. ai (I.E. al, oi) (Goth, di^ 
O.H.G. (?/, c). In Anglo-Saxon there was dwarfing of the 
second element followed by compression. A.S. a also cor- 
responds to Teut. ce (I.E. c) before iv, or when the next 
syllable has «, o, u — sdivon ' saw ' (Goth, sehtvmi), sldpait 
(Goth, slepari). It represents the results of various length- 
enings. 

A.S. a was the long of ^7. 

In Middle English A.S. a was rounded to g (long open 
c>). It remained in the Northern dialects. French d was- 
imported after the rounding was over, and remained. A new 
a, was got in Middle English from the lengthening oia before 
a consonant + vowel. This has passed to (ei). Northern d 
and French d have the same development. 

M.E. £? was first narrowed in Modern EngHsh. It then 
passed to the diphthong (ou), which has the first element open. 
The surroundings of the sound have however contributed to 
various results, as will be seen from the following table. 

For oa, see under 6. A.S. dtv becomes gu in Middle 
English. This has the same development in the present 
language, viz., (ou), as an du coming from A.S. ow. Parasitic 
ou {u before /) has a similar development. The result (ou) 
is thus got from g, gu, ou, and ou. 



Sound Relations in Em^Hsh. 



241 









A.S. a. 




-B 


an 




an, oon 


one 




nan 




nan, noon, non 


none 


e 


scadan, 


sceadan 


scheden, shseden, 
sheden 


shed 


86 


halgian 




halisen, halewen, 
halwen 


hallow 





onan 




onan, a nan, anoon 


anon 




scan 




schon, shoon 


shone 




sarig 




sari5, sari, sori 


sorry 




halig dreg 


halidai, holidai 


hohday 




hat 




hat, hoot 


hot 




cnawan 




knouleche 


knowledge 


au 


mase 




mose 


(tit)mouse 


ei 


hal 




hail, heil 


hale 




rad 




rade 


raid 




rses (ras 


Norse) 


rees, rase 


race 


ou 


swa 




sa, so 


so 




mal ' macula ' 


mole 


mole 




draf 




draf, drof, droof 


drove 




rad 




rad, rod, rood 


rode 




rad 




rode, roode 


road 




aS 




oth, ooth 


oath 




ac 




ak, ok, ook 


oak 




hlaf 




lof, loof 


loaf 




sawan 




sawe, sowen 


sow 




snaw 




snaw, snou 


snow 




agen 




05en, owen 


own 




dag 




dah, do5, dogh, dow 


dougli 


ii 


swapan 




swopen, swepen 


sweep 


uu 


hwa 




hwa, hwo 


who 




twa 




twa, two 


two 



242 Manual of L inguistics. 



aa ascian 


asken, axen, eschen 


ask 


gar-leac 


garleek, garleke 


garlic 


lawerc 


lauerok, larke 


lark 


00 ahwffiSer 


auSer, ouSer, o5er, or 


or 


nahwreSer 


nawSer, nouSer, noSer, nor 


nor 


hlaford 


lauerd, louerd, lord 


lord 


lar 


lare, lore 


lore 


har 


hor, hoor 


hoar 


brad 


brade, bred, brood 


broad 


awiht 


aht, oht, aught, ought 


aught 


nawiht 


naht, noht, naught, nought 


naught 


ahte 


ahte, auhte, ouhte 


ought 


Sawan 


thowen, thawen ^ 


thaw 



one — The pronunciation with long open was extant early 
in the Modern Period. Previously, in some parts, the extra 
effort required for initial vowel, seems to have developed the 
labial element into w. Then ensued labialisation of vowel 
and common passage to ('b). An initial development of 
a palatal element into y may be seen in the Scotch ane and 
yen. The ee'-pronunciation of one was common in the 
Western dialects. Compare also wold for old and ivoats for 
oats, pronunciations heard in Dorsetshire, notie — analogy 
of one. 

shed — The short vowel of the M.E. schedde pret, a new 
formation, was extended to the present. This extension of 
vowel {lette, new formation, and spredde) will also explain 
the shortness in let (page 246), and in spread (A.S. spntdan). 

hallozv — The vowel was shortened in Middle English in 
the form where / was followed by iv. 

ano7i — Here we see shortening and lowering, shojie has also 
(ou). sorry — The M.E. form with a was short. The long 
vowel had probably been shortened by the action of the 



Sound Relations in English. 243 

back-shortening termination. Chaucer, however, has a form 
with long o, viz., soory. Perhaps the present o and its 
pronunciation have been got from influence of M.E. sonve 
' sorrow ' (A.S. sor^;). holiday — For shortness compare holly- 
hock. kno%vledge — Many pronounce with (ou). hot — For 
shortening of ^compare shortening of rin head. 

{tit)7noiise shews influence of the other mouse (A.S. mus). 

heil shews influence of Norse heill. The regular develop- 
ment of A.S. hal gives whole, rade — This is Northumbrian 
form with long a, whence (ei). road is the lineal descendant 
of A.S. rdd. race, from Northumbrian rase, with long a. 

(ou) direct result of A.S. (7. sow — A.S. d%v gives on in 
Middle English, which passes to (ou) in Modern English. 
own shews ordinary change of g to w after guttural vowel. 
dough, a parasitic ic makes no difference ; g{u)h and guh give 
the same result. Compare lozv (Norse lag), M.E. lah, louh, 
{bi)loogh. 

sweep — The vowel is from M.E. pret. swep (A.S. sweop). 
There was also a M.E. swep{i)en (A.S. sweopian). szvdpan 
gave stvgpen in Middle English. 

who, hvo — The £? from a was in Middle English made into 
by the iv, and followed the development of that sound. 

ask, &c. — The a was shortened before two consonants. 
It (ae) was then lengthened before .r + cons., and r + cons., 
and passed to (aa). 

or, nor — The weak forms passed through du'?>-, g<S, g, to 0. 
^r gives (oo). broad — The M.E. ^ (low-back-wide-round) was 
preserved in this word by the influence of r. It is now nar- 
rowed to (00). Something similar happened in the case of 
^roat (A.S. grot), with lengthened in Middle English. Com- 
pare break (page 221) and great (page 255). aught ?iaught — 



2 44 Manual of L inguistics. 

■ 

The a is regularly represented by the o of oht and tioht. 
aht and naht represent shortened a before two consonants. 
a with parasitic u before h gives au, which has passed to 
(oo), first becoming a monophthong (the long low-back- 
wide-round). A ?^-less pronunciation of o{ii)h would give 
pretty much the same result — cp. sought i^^-^gt 268). aught is 
the spelling now preferred for the sake of distinction from 
ought. ought, same explanation. The o may come as 
before from a form that was subsequently shortened, or 
from the infinitive given (A.S. dgan). thaw should have 
been thow (heard in North Cumberland), like soiv, but has 
developed like short aiv. 

»: A.S. cf corresponds to Teut. fe (I.E. f) (Goth, e, 
O.H.G. a). In Kentish and Anglian this is written e. 
There is also an d' which represents the /-umlaut of a 
(Teut. ai) in all the dialects, ce is also its own (Teut. &) 
umlaut. This in dialects other than West Saxon is, like 
its original, written c. In Anglo-Saxon a. also represents a 
lengthening of i7{a). Dialectically, it represents ea (Teut. 
aii) before r, g, h, and the /-umlaut of Teut. a before 
/-fcons. (W.S. e). 

A.S. c? was the long of (7 (low-front-wide). 

M.E. c is the regular representative of A.S. ce. It has 
now passed to (ii). At an early date narrowing supervened.- 
See under ea. For ea, see under e. 

A.S. X. 
i gestClig sely, seely silly 

rSdels redels riddle 

e iSssa lasse, lesse less 

wrsestan wresten wrest 



Sound Relations in English. 



245 



ilrende 


er(e)nde, erand 


errand 


iefre 


afre, efre, euere 


ever 


hrivcan 





retch 


littan 


leten 


let 


wat 


wet, weet 


wet 


swittan 


sweten 


sweat 


braP3 


breth, breeth 


breath 


nuTd (madwa, plu. )medwe 


meadow 


(Qn)dr5:dan 


dreden 


dread 


nvdde 


reed 


read 


ret 


et, eet 


ate 


•se fa-tt 


fat, fet 


fat 


hliSder 


laddre, leddre 


ladder 


niedre 


naddre, neddre 


adder 


blredre 


bladdre, bledder 


bladder 


98 waron 


weren, were 


were 


ai a-ghwSSer 


ai])ir, eiSer, ethir 


either 


*nzeghw£e3er 


ney|)er, nethir 


neither 


ei hlafdige 


laefdi, lefdi, lauedi, ladi 


lady 


wag 


wawe 


wave 


clag 


clei 


clay 


hnagan 


ne5en 


neigh 


grieg 


giai, grey 


grey, gray 


gre (gea) 


sea, 5a, 56 


yea 


■OU mast 


mast, nioste, mooste 


most 


stawS 


sleuj)e, slouthe 


sloth 


lan(lan) 


lone 


loan 


manan 


menen 


moan 


ii afen 


efen, euen 


even 


rad 


rede, reed 


rede 


see 


sae, see, se 


sea 


ale 


elche, eche 


each 


tasan 


taisen, tosen, toosen 


tease 


manan 


menen 


mean 



246 



Manual of Linguistics. 



ii 


mrel ' momentum ' 


mel, meel 


meal 




*br£eSan 


bre&'en 


breathe 




rSdan 


reden, raden 


read 




spral'C 


spache, speche 


speech 




£51 


el 


eel 




C^g 


kay, keye 


key 


uu 


iSvved 


lewed, lewde 


lewd 


yuu 


mE^w 


mawe, meaw 


(sea)mew 


ia 


ra-ran 


reren 


rear 




far 


fere, feer 


fear 




skarr (Norse) 


skere, schere 


sheer 




bar 


beere 


bier 


ae 


ar 


er 


ere 




Sar 


J)ere 


there 




stager 


steir 


stair 




har 


here, heer 


hair 


aa 


lastan 


lasten, lesten 


last 




blast 


blast 


blast 




amette 


amete, amte, emete 


ant 




gastlic 


gastli 


ghastly 


00 


wraSSo 


wra])j3e 


wrath 




tahte 


tahte, tagte, taucht 


taught 



silly, riddle have been shortened from long /. Compare 
sick (page 258) redels — For loss of ^ in the modern word, 
compare burial (A.S. byrgels). 

less — ^ when shortened before two conss. (page 200) was 
in Middle EngHsh written e and a. Midland and Northern 
texts affect e. errand was shortened from a M.E. form in 
which ;- was followed in pronunciation by /?. ever was short- 
ened later on in Middle English before two consonants, let, 
\vef, &c., were shortened early in Modern Period (cp. shed). 
The shortening in breath is comparatively recent, meadow 



Sound Relations in English. 247 

— The IV is got from the obUque cases, mead has de- 
veloped regularly (ii). dread and read suffered shortening 
in Modern Period, read {\)XQ.\.., A.S. rd'dde) seems to have 
kept length in Middle English in spite of the two conson- 
ants. The present read (A.S. rc'edati) has kept on to (ii). ate 
has two pronunciations (ei) and (e). The first pronunciation 
is that which a short M.E. at would acquire when levelled 
under the quantity of the plural. And a short preterite singu- 
lar was developed in Middle English (or in Anglo-Saxon), 
after the analogy of other verbs with short singular and long 
plural. The long vowel in A.S. cct is exceptional, but 
Teutonic. The pronunciation with (e) is a shortening from 
early Modern English of the then form of our regularly 
developed preterite eat (ii). The pronunciation with (e) 
attached itself to the spelling ate. Compare the pronuncia- 
tion of preterite beat as bet. 

fat, &c. — The rt-forms have given development. M.E. 
a regularly becomes (ae). ladder, &c. — The two consonants 
were developed at a late period in Anglo-Saxon. After 
long vowels, / and d were then sometimes doubled. For 
loss of n in adder compare auger (A.S. nafogdr). 

were — It is a weak form with short e that has given the 
present (aa). The M.E. lorm had e. 

either, neither — The vulgar pronunciation with (ei) is 
regular. The (ii) pronunciation is explicable. The long 
close e into which M.E. ei had developed may have gone 
over to the long close ^'s that came from M.E. e. Compare 
key in this list. The (ai) pronunciation is irregular. A.S. 
ceghzvc'e'^er is from a (E. aye), umlauted into c'c by the / of 
the orig. gi that followed, ge- (ordinary prefix), and hwie^er 
(E. whether.) 



248 Mamtal of L inguistics. 

lefdi is the Northern form of shortened a. lauedi and ladi 
are Southern forms. The a was lengthened before cons. + 
vowel, clay — M.E. ei (A.S. ag) is generally represented in 
Modern English by the spellings ei, ey. M.E. ci, A.S. eg, 
&g (Anglian eg) has the same representation. These two 
M.E. diphthongs suffered shortening and followed the 
course of ei. Both short ^'s were open in Middle 
English. M.E. ci {ai passed to long open e through 
(Bi) assimilated both elements to a long open e, and, after 
narrowing, passed to the diphthong (ei), which has now the 
first element open. There was a mixing of the spellings ai 
and ('/. neigh — A.S. eg has usually become (ai) — cp. tie, 
dye (page 252). wave — M.E. 7vawe is due to influence of 
wawen (A.S. wagian ' move ') ; wave has been influenced 
by the verb zaave (A.S. wafian). yea — The long close e 
that was regularly got from M.E. ^was retained as in break 
and great (page 255). It has now become (ei) like the long 
close ^'s that derived from M.E. d. 

most — The long is due to the a of the comparative 
{indra ma). A.S. a was rounded to g in Middle English. 
M.E. g gives (ou). sloth — This form and pronunciation is 
due to the influence of sldiv ' slow.' loa7i — Idn and not hen 
is responsible for this form, moan — due to influence of the 
noun mo7ie, moon ( ?) (AS. man ' wickedness.') 

(ii) is the regular development, each — For loss of e com- 
pare tvhieh and such. The / is retained in the North, e.g., 
Lowland Scotch ilh, which must not be confounded with an- 
other ilh meaning ' same ' (A.S. ylea). tease — The form loose 
must be due to some form with A.S. a. There is also a 
compound lo-tasen ' to pull to pieces.' taisen — Perhaps the 
/ is a parasite developed before a front consonant as in M.E. 



Soimd Relations in English. 249 

aische ' ashes ' (A.S. asce). The plant has M.E. ^ese/, tasel. 
speech — The r dropped at a very early date, key — cp. 
either (see above). 

lewd — eu {a/) passed to ((y)uu). mew — There are forms 
quoted with ca and tc. In the North the word is pro- 
nounced (au). A M.E. 7nowe occurs. 

rear — er has become (ia) or still broader (aa). bier — for ie, 
cp. page 188. er^— There are also M.E. forms ar, or, the 
first representing a shortened unstressed ce, the other shew- 
ing influence of Norse dr. hair — The ai is got from the 
analogy of many words ending in ;-. 

last, &c. — the a shortened before two consonants. It 
(ae) was then lengthened before j- + consonant and passed to 
(aa). ant by the analogy of ainit developed a u and with 
this passed to (aa) (page 214). 

wrath — a was shortened in Middle English, and by ivr 
rounded in Modern to (00), see page 215. taught — a was 
shortened before two consonants in Middle English and u 
developed, an passed to (oo). Compare /avj,'-///. 

e : A.S. e corresponds to Teut. e (O.H.G. ea, ia, ie). It 
also represents the /-umlaut of o (and lengthened 0). It is 
the result of certain contractions. In dialect it stands for 
ie, the /-umlaut of ea and co. It also in dialect answers to 
the ea that followed palatals, and is the smoothing of the ea 
and the eo that preceded c, g, h. It may also represent 
W.S. ie — r/^ advice, W.S. nvd. 

A.S. e was the long of e. 

M.E. <? represents not merely A.S. H co, but also Anglian 
£ (W.S. ce and te{y)). In Modern English, after i had 
become diphthongised, e was raised into its place and made 



250 



Alanual of Linguistics. 



its passage into the modern diphthongic (ii). e ultimately 
reached the same goal. Words that derive from long close 
e have ee in modern spelling, words that derive from long 
open e have €a{e). There was confusion in spelling at an 
earlier date. Compare the use of oo and oa. 

Many of the forms in the A.S. column are Anglian. 

A.S. e. 



-B 


heng 


heng, hing, 


hong 


hung 


i 


brec 


breech, plu. 




breeches 




scirgerefa 


schirreve, scherreue 


sheriff 




*strepan 


strepen, streepe 


strip 


e 


Cefa 


thefte 




theft 




becnan 


beknen 




beckon 




bledsian 


blessen 




bless 




(ge)mette 


mette 




met 


98 


bremel 


brembil 




bramble 


99 


herde 


herde 




heard 


ai 


hehSu 


heighte, highte 


height 


ai 


tegan 


tei5en, ti5i 
tyen 


en, teyen, 


tie 




degan 


de5en, di3e 


, deie 


dye 


ai9 


brer 


brere 




briar 


ei 


heg 


hei, hai 




hay 




twegen 


tweien 




twain 




egaS 


eit 




eyot 




weste 


weste 




waste 


ii 


me 


me 




me 




we 


we 




we 




ge 


3e 




ye 




he 


he 




he 




6e 


le 




thee 




ecan 


eken 




eke 




hela 


heele 




heel 



Sotind Relations in English. 



2SI 



ii felan 


felen 




feel 


teS 


teS, teetli 




teeth 


ges 


gees 




geese 


fet 


fet 




feet 


-tene 


-tene 




-teen 


(ge)Iefan 


beleve 




believe 


UU bresan 


brese, hruscn, 


broo 


- 




sen, brissen 




bruise 


ie her 


her, beer 




here 


steran 


steren 




steer 


heran 


heren 




hear 


werig 


weri 




weary 


aa hcrcnian 


herknen 




hearken 
hark 


hung — The M.E. 


heiig was shortened. 


For the i 



close e thus obtained / was substituted. The king thus got 
was, on the analogy of sing sang, made into a present with a 
preterite /ia//g. The analogy was extended by the creation 
of a participle /iifng, the vowel of which was assumed by the 
preterite. The modern infinitive /lang was got in the Middle 
English period from A.S. hangian, 

breeches, (!v:c.— shortened from long /. Short / is a wide 
sound in the present language. 

theft, &c. — The vowel was shortened before two conson- 
ants. Short close e was opened in Middle English. It has 
remained. 

bramble — In the New English Dictionary mention is made 
of breinbil brcembel, shortenings of bremel briemel before the 
two consonants (w-f euphonic /'). b?renibil would give 
bramble. 

heard — To account for the once prevalent (and still exist- 
ing) pronunciation {hard) we must assume shortening before 



252 Manual of L inginstics. 

the two consonants. The short e thus got would be 
changed to a before r in Modern English. But the spelling 
ea shows that short herdc must have been group-lengthened 
to herde. The length would enable it to escape the passage 
into a that r marked out for a preceding short e. Later on 
the e was shortened, as in many words (page 255). ^r gives 

(88). 

height — M.E. eiht usually gives (ei). Compare eight. 
This word has taken after its adjective high, tie, dye — The 
Anglian e was assimilated to the glide / that was developed 
between it and g. From i comes (ai). briar, hard to ex- 
plain. Compare the change of M.E./z-tv-i? \r\to friar. In 
the sixteenth century brier was in vogue. For the spellings 
brier briar, cp. Her liar, brere occurs in Shelley's Adonais — 
' And build their mossy homes in field a?id brere.^ hay — ei 
is a more frequent representative of M.E. ei {ei). eit — 
Sweet says through eg^, e/iS. M.E. ^/ (<// passed into long 
open e through cei) assimilated both elements into a long 
open e, and, after narrowing, passed to the diphthong (ei), 
which has now the first element open. The spellings ai and 
ei were confused, waste — The French word displaced our 
own. These French spellings in ast pass to (ei), compare 
paste, taste. 

me^->e are monosyllabic lengthenings in Anglo-Saxon 
(page 199). This list exhibits regular development, believe 
— ie represents close e (page 188). 

^^,/^-^_The late W.S. form was brysan. The modern 
word is an instance of the preservation of the spelling ii 
(with the French character 2d (page 190) ). Compare the 
course of rude into (uu). brese may come from Anglian 
brcsan, or be a Kentish form with e for A.S. y. broosen is 



Sound Relations in EuQ-lisli. 



253 



supposed to derive in some way or other from O.F. hruisier 
l>risier, which was merged into hrysan. The form brissen 
with short vowel is anomalous. 

here, &c. — er gives (ia). hark — The vowel shortened 
before two consonants was changed into a before ;- and 
developed through (ae, aese ) into (aa). The spelling 
hearken indicates a lengthening (long open e) before /--com- 
bination. Of this there is a shortened pronunciation 
recorded, cp. heard (see above). 

ea : A.S. ea corresponds to Teut. an (I.E. aii, oii) (O.H.G. 
on, (before dentals) ). It is the result of various contrac- 
tions. There is also an ea = {e)d got (ist) from a sequence of 
the palatals g, c, sc, and Teut. c? — g{e)afon (O.H.G. ga/mn), 
(2nd) from a sequence of the palatal g (Teut. 7) and Teut. ce 
— g(e)ar (O.H.G. jar), (3d) from a sequence of the palatal 
se + d (Teut. ai) — sc{e)dda?i (Goth, skdidan). 

A.S. ea was the long of ea (low-front-wide 4- low-back- 
wide). M.E. f regularly represents A.S. ea. It has com- 
monly given (ii^ in the present language. The e in Modern 
English w'as first narrowed, then raised to long /. 







A.S. ea. 




i 


foran-heafod 


foiheued, forheed 


forehead 




-leas 


-lees 


-less 




hreac 


rek, reek 


rick 


e 


deaS 


deS, dee]) 


death 




heafod 


heued, heed 


head 




])reatian 


Jjreten 


threaten 




heahfore 


heifre, haifre 


heifer 


ae 


leaSor 




lather 




ceapmann 


chepmon, chapman 


chapman 



254 



Manual of Linguistics. 



ai 


heah 


heh, heih, heigh, hi 


high 




cage 


ese, ei5e, eie, eye, ye 


eye 




leag 


leie, lie 


lye 


ei 


great 


gret, greet 


great 


ou 


ceas 


ches, chees, chos 


chose 




sceawian 


schawen, schewen 


show, shew 




Seah 


thoh, thogh, thou;, 
thof 


though 


ii 


fleah 


fle, flee 


flea 




east 


eest 


east 




beacen 


bekene 


beacon 




beatan 


beten, beeten 


heat 




eac 


ec, eek 


eke 




leac 


leek 


leek 




steap 


stepe 


steep 




(ge)leafa 


leue, leeue 


belief 


uu 


screawa 


shrewe, schrewe 


shrew 




fleag 


fleigh fley; flowen, 
vluwen 


flew 


yuu 


heawan 


hewen 


hew 




deaw 


den, dew 


dew 


i8 


near 


nere, neer 


near 




tear 


tere, teer 


tear 


00 


geard 


5are, yoore 


yore 




hreaw 


raw 


raw 




streaw 


stree, straw 


straw 



forehead,-less — Shortening of long t in unstressed syllable 
(Tives short / (wide). A pronunciation with short e is 
common in both words. In the former, this will represent 
the short vowel in head, in the latter, perhaps the influence 
of the other less. 

rick — For shortness compare breeches (page 251). 



So7tnd Relations in English. 255 

death, &c., ordinary shortening of M.E. e as in breathy 
heavy (pages 220 and 246). 

heifre — The ei corresponds to the ei of heih (see be- 
low). In that word the i is a glide-vowel developed before 
the ]i which afterwards raised the c to its position. In 
heifre the ei seems to have followed the development of 
M.E. ei, and when the long open e stage was reached to 
have been shortened as in heavy, death, head. The ai 
of haifre will then be another spelling of ei (page 252), 
compare neighbour, (M.E. tieihebier, A.S. neah-gebur). ei is 
always written before gh. 

lather — Suppose a M.E. le'^er. This might be shortened 
by the action of the back-shortening termination er. Back 
shortenings occasionally produce as well as conserve short- 
ness, chapman — There must in Middle English have been a 
shortening into ea, which would give c, whence a (page 206). 

high, eye — The Anglian hch and ege became in Middle 
English hih and ~ie by the action of the glide-vowel on the 
preceding e. The open g disappeared in le. Our present 
spelling retains all the letters (e-.^e, eye) that once were 
pronounced. The long l thus got in these words gives 

<ai). 

sreat — The r retained the long close e into which M.E. 
e had developed in the Modern Period. Long close e has 
now become (ei), of which the first element is open. Com- 
pare breaii (page 221). 

chees — This is regular from ceas. chose is either the 
descendant of A.S. c{(:)(^s (A.S. a gives M.E g, whence 
our (ou)), or the vowel has been got from the M.E. participle 
chosen. The A.S. participle was coren, but in Middle 
English it acquired ch and s from the other forms of the 



256 Man 2Lal of L inguistics. 

verb, shoiv — A.S. sc(e)dwian would give schoivien in Middle 
English. From this has come shoiv. schhvien would be 
the regular M.E. development of A.S. sceaivian. From 
this we have the spelling sheiv, but the pronunciation is 
that of shotv. \cah is a hard word and seems to 
have developed its vowel like (e')^7, as in the previous 
words. The result of this before h should have been 
(thoof), cp. North, thof. For o{Tii)h in Middle English 
giving (oo) in Modern English, compare ought (M.E. 
g{u)htc, A.S. ilhfe). The (ou)-sound of modern though 
indicates a weak form with loss of gJi, cp. dough 
(A.S. dah) (page 243). Short ea m sleaht ax\d feaht {slaugh- 
ter, fought) has also given this sound (00). 

flea — (ii) is the usual goal of ea in Modern English. 
belief- — For the ie, see page 188. 

sh?'ew, hew, dew — For M.E. eu, see page 222. 

fletv — The analogy of the knoiv kftew and grow grew class 
has produced this. From the M.E. forms there are theor- 
etically three sound-forms deducible (ai), (ou), (au). 

near — er gives (is). 

yore comes from g{e)ara. A.S. a becomes g in Middle 
English, or gives (00). raiv has developed as if from 
short eau'. Compare t/unv. So with straw, but the stree of 
Middle English points to long c. With stree compare 
the Scotch word. 

eo : A.S. CO corresponds to Teut. eu (I.E. eu) (Goth, m, 
O.H.G. ht, eo, io, id). It is the result of various contrac- 
tions and lengthenings. It appears after Teut. j and palatal 
sc with value {e)o — gcoiudr 'sadness' (O.H.G. Jamar), 
sceoh ' shoe.' 



Sound Relations in English. 



257 



A.S. eo was the long of co (mid-front-narrow + mid-back- 
narrow-round). 

M.E. <? represents A.S. co. See under e. 

A.S. eo. 
i seoc sek, seek sick 

hcopc ' rosae silves- 





tris bacca ' 


hepe, heepe 


hip, hep 


e 


breost 


brest 


breast 




feoll 


fel 


fell 




heold 


heeld 


held 




freond 


frend 


friend 


ee 


stjorn (Norse) 


Sterne 


stern 




5reotene 


threttene, thritteind 


thirteen 


ai 


leoht ' levis ' 


liht, li3t, licht 


light 




Seoh 


))eh, pei3, Jiili, }>i 


thigh 




teo(go)Sian 


tethen, tithen 


tithe 




leogan ' mentiri ' 


lihen, li5en 


lie 




fleogan ' volare ' 


flegen, fleie, vli 


fly 




fleoge 'musca' 


fle5e, fleie, flie 


fly 


au 


treowian 


tru, trow 


trow 


ou 


seowan 


sewen, sowen 


sew (sow) 




treowS 


trouthe 


troth 


ii 


seo 


sche, shee 


she 




beo (i sing.) 


be(n) 


be 




seo (i sing.) 


se, see 


see 




treo 


tre, trecn plu. 


tree 




hweol 


whele 


wheel 




seotJan 


sethen 


seethe 


• 


fneosan 


fnesen 


sneeze 




(ge)beon 


iben, been, 


been 




deofan 


eleven 


cleave 




beot 


bet, beet 


beat 




preost 


prest, preeste 


priest 




leof 


lef, leef 
R 


lief 



258 



Manual of Linguistics. 



UU flreow 


Jireu, l)rewe 


threw 


cleowe 


clewe 


clew 


hreowan 


rewen 


rue 


treowe 


trewe, tru 


true 


tieow(5i 


treuthe, truthes pi. 


truth 


(for)leosan 


lesen 


lose 


ceosan 


chesen, chusen 


choose 


sceotan 


scheten, schuten 


shoot 


yuu eow 


ew 


yew 


neowe 


newe 


new 


cneow 


kneu5 ; knewen 


knew 


geola 


5ole 


yule 


heow 


hew 


hue 


eow 


;ou, ou, jew, eu 


you 


geoguS 


5U3eS, 5UweSe, youthe 


youth 


i9 deore 


dere 


dear 


deor 


der, deer 


deer 


hleor 


lere 


leer 


jru© eower 


ower, 3ure, youre 


your 


aa deorling 


derling 


darling 


feorSling 


ferthing 


farthing 


00 feower 


fower, foure 


four 


feowertig 


fourti 


forty 



sick, shortened from long /-sound. Compare breeches, 
hip., similar shortening. hep (e) probably represents a 
shortening transmitted from that stage in the Modern 
Period when M.E. e (and f) was shortened. 

breast, long in Middle English. The ea shows that the 
word had long open ^-sound in Modern period. Compare 
heard, which was shortened and lengthened again in Middle 
Enghsh (page 252). Compare the course oi breast with that 
oi priest, held had long close e in Middle English. There 



Sound Relations in English. 259 

is also a spelling with ie. The shortening would take place 
early in the Modern Period, or a short form may have come 
down from Middle English. fnt'?id — The ie.'is one way of 
representing long close c (page 188). Very much the same 
may be said of this word as of held, breast and friend are 
often to be heard with the (ii) of the regular development. 

stern — er and ir give (99). thirteen^ transposition of 
letters as in third. The A.S. word has many forms, such as 
-eot{t)-, -It-, -itt-. 

light — In le{o)ht, the e was changed to / before palatal //. 
The vowel in this word before breaking was i. It was 
shortened before ht (cp. sohte, page 268). In Modern English 
the h of iiht passed into a breath-glide which, merged in the 
foregoing vowel, gave long /, whence the (ai). ]>eh — The e 
was raised to l by the parasitic glide that was developed 
before the h. The stages were — cih, lih, ih. 

trow — This could come from M.E. /?, which gives (au) in 
the present language. The h seems to have been due to 
influence of Norse triia ' trow.' The A.S. original is also 
sometimes written trTnvian. 

sew {soiv obs.) The spelling derives from ME. sewen, the 
pronunciation, from soiven. The analogy of sheiv show may 
have had something to do with the development of similar 
forms in this verb. M.E. scnven might have been got from 
the influence of an A.S. participle sowen, which we may sup- 
pose to have existed. The verb had a mixture of strong and 
weak forms in Anglo-Saxon. The pronunciation proper to 
the spelling sew may be heard any day in Scotch, troth — 
.truth is the regular development. A pronunciation trdzv'6 
in Middle English would account for troth. It has also the 
pronunciation of broth. Compare four, where the e was 



2 6o Mamial of L inguistics. 

rounded out of existence by the neighbouring Up-letters. 
The r has of course shaped the ow into (oo). 

(ii) is the regular development. For the sh in she see 
(page 290). sneeze {neeze obs), due to refashioning of the difift- 
cult initial sound oi f neeze. gebeon is theoretical. No par- 
ticiple appears in Anglo-Saxon, cleave — There was a weak 
A.S. verb cleofiau ' adhere ' which gave in Middle English 
clevien. From this cleave ' split ' got the long open ea (page 
250). beat — The ea got from the present (M.E. bejen, A.S. 
beatan), or shortened from a M.E. weak beted, priest, lief— 
For ie, see page 1 88. 

M.E. cu is written ew in some words and sometimes 2ie, 
II. It developed to (yuu) through various intermediates, 
with shifting of stress on to second element and consonant- 
isation of first element. The y was dropped after certain 
letters — r, I (not always), <S:c. Compare what is said on eu, 
page 222, u (in French words) final as well as medial 
was levelled under en. 

choose is a phonetic spelling of earlier chiise. This was 
the descendant of M.E. chnsen. The ii is a dialectic de- 
velopment of A.S. CO, and has had the development oi eu. 
The M.E. cliesen (regular from ceosati) was also represented 
by chese early in the Modern Period, shoot — The same 
explanation accounts for this word, lose — at first loose, then 
lose, to differentiate it from loose adj. The /or of forlesen 
was dropped owing to influence of losi'en (A.S. losian, usually 
neut.). Sweet does not explain the vowel-sound of /(^j'^ as 
he explains those of choose and shoot, but avers that lese (of 
early Modern Period) borrowed the vowel (uu) of the 
adjective loose (M.E. Ids, of Norse origin). 

yule — A.S. gie)dla would give yde in Middle English. 



Sound Relations in Ens'lish. 



261 



Long close was passed to (uu) in the present language. 
The influence of Norse jol would also tend to give this 
result, gcogii^ — The .i,"" passed to zv and then dropped. 
youth has exceptionally retained its long u, cp. uncouth. 

dere — <?>- gives (ia). 

darling, farthing — There was shortening in Middle 
English. Then ensued in Modern Period change o{ e Xo a 
by action of r. The a (ae) was lengthened before r + cons, 
(page 214) and passed through long ?e to (aa). four — See 
above under troth. 



i : A.S. I answers to Teut. i (Goth, ei I.E. i). The sound 
is very constant. A.S. l may also answer to I.E. q — \rl 
(Gk. T^e/j). It stands also for a compensatory lengthening 
of Teut. /. Sometimes an original c finds representation 
in Anglo-Saxon under 7. The ie\ that are the /-umlauts 
of ea and Ho are also thus represented. A.S. l was the 
long of /. 

In Middle English t remained. In Modern English it 

passed by divergence of first element into a diphthong, and 

through lowering, retraction, and widening, reached the 

sound (ai). 

A.S. i. 

i cristendom cristendom Christendom 

grist grist grist 

{on)grIslic grislich, grisli gri^b' 

stig-rap stirop stirrup 

die dich ditch 

set-wltan atwiten twit 

linen linen linen 

wif-menn wimmen, wummen women 

e scir-gerefa schirreue, scherreue sheriff' 



262 



Manual of Linguistics. 



U wif-niann 


wimman, wummon, 
womman 


woman 


ai hwll 


hwile, while 


while 


fif 


fife, uiue 


five 


hiwa 


hine, hyne 


hind 


5riv\a 


Jjrijes, ])ries 


thrice 


bl 


bi, by 


by 


siSe 


sithe, sy3e 


scythe 


higian 


hifen, hyen 


hie 


ai8 lien 


iren, yren 


iron 


scir 


schire, shire 


shire 


ii snlcan 


sniken 


sneak 


7UU splwan 


spewen, spue 


spew, s 


tiwes-daeg 


tisdei, tewesday 


tuesday 


yu8 stlg-weard 


stiward, steward, stuward 


steward 



spue 



cristendom — The vowel is shortened before two con- 
sonants (page 200). Length however often remains before 
st, e.g., priest, least (page 258). The quality of the / is altered 
in the shortening. Short / is wide, stirrup, shortened from 
steerup. didi — The c was softened after the front vowel, 
supported by the t- of the inflectional forms (page 278). In 
dike the vowel is regular and there is no Southern softening. 
twit must once have had long /. Spenser rhymes it with 
light and plight, and writes it by false analogy twight. 
linen — The vowel is long in line. Perhaps the back- 
shortening termination helped on shortness, ivimnien — 
The ni))i due to assimilation of/ to ;//. The long /is still 
heard. The form with u is due to the analogy of the 
singular, where the labialisation was not merely graphic 
but gave development. The // was written o between the w 
and m. 



Sotmd Relations in English. 2 6 



t 



sheriff- — The /was shortened before two consonants. For 
lowering to e compare {shep)herd (A.S. salp-hirde). The e 
of -herd is of course now sunk under obscure vowel (a). A 
similar lowering, due to lack of stress, is seen in M.E. here 
' her ' (A.S. hire). 

womati — -See ivomen above. The short u of this word 
also had a development into (b). This sound is still to be 
heard. 

(ai) is the regular development, hind — The d is ex- 
crescent (cp. thumb, soimd). The n in the M.E. form is a 
difficulty. It is supposed to come from the gen. plu. 
hi{we)?ia, in such a combination as h'i{tve)na man ' a man 
of the domestics.' A new plural creation with n in 
nominative might arise out of this combination. A singular 
form in n would then naturally appear, \ries — The ending 
is due to analogy, compare aties ' once.' 

hi-i^en — After the palatal vowel /, the g becomes /, and is 
merged in the long vowel. 

iron — z?-=(ai8). The unaccented vowel is sometimes 
written — cp. weapon, beacon (A.S. wcepen, beacen). 

s?ieak — Some dialectic form may be the parent of this 
sound. Compare reopan (Mercian, W.S. rlpan) into reap, 
spetv — M.E. eu corresponds to A.S. hv, co7v (W.S. nv). 
It is written ew and ue. Final French u was written eiv and 
the two spellings u{e) and e^v thus got mixed. M.E. m 
corresponds to A.S. aw, eaw. It is always written ew. 
steward — long iir=(yvLQ). 

6 : A.S. <' corresponds to Teut. (O.H.G. no, ua, I.E. a, 0). 
It also stands for several compensatory lengthenings of Teut. 
0. In some words it answers to Teut. cc (Goth, c, O.H.G. ci, 
I.E. e) — mona ' moon,' Gk. /JLyjvri. A.S. was the long of o. 



264 



Manual of Linguistics. 



remained in ^Middle English, but passed in the 
Modern Period to long ii, which is now diphthongised to 
(uu). This sound was shortened in certain words, especi- 
ally before th and d, and has now passed to ('b). Later on, 
another shortening took place, very generally before stop- 
consonants. This shortening, occurring after the passage 
of ti to (b), has remained. 

Words that derive from long close have 00 in modern 
spelling, words that derive from long open J have oa (p). 
There was confusion in spelling at an earlier date. Com- 
pare the use of ee and ea. For ou see under a. 



A.S. 6. 



B 


moste 


moste, muste 


must 




roSor 


rothyr, rodyr 


rudder 




do5 


doS, dooth 


doth 




offer 


oother 


other 




broSor 


brother 


brother 




modor 


moder, mooder 


mother 




monaS 


moneth, mooneth 


month 




monan-daeg 


moneday, munendai 


monday 




flod 


flood 


flood 




genog 


inouh, enogh, inough enough 




toh 


tough 


tough 


e 


-dom 


-dam, -dom, -doom 


-dom 


e 


wodnes-dceg 


wodnes-dei, wednes- 
dai 


■ Wednesday 


u 


bosm 


bosum 


bosom 




hoc 


hoc, hok 


hook 




scoc 


schook, shook 


shook 




fot 


fot, foot 


foot 




to 


to 


to 



Sound Relations m Enirlish. 



265 






blostma 


blostme, blosme, 
bloosmes pi. 


jjlossom 




gos-hafoc 


gos-hauk, goshawke 


: goshawk 




f6d(d)or 


fod{d)er 


fodder 




gescod 


ischood, schod 


shod 




hOh 


h'jU3 


hough 


au 


sklg 


slouh, slough 


slough 




pi oh 


plouh, plou5 


plough 




bog 


bogh, bouz ; l^oowes bough 






plu. 




ei 


com 


coom, cam 


came 


ou 


hof 


haf, hone 


hove 




behofian 


behoue 


behove 




rSwan 


rowen 


row 




blowan 


blowen 


blow 




woe 


wok 


woke 


uu 


do (i sing, pres.) 


do 


do 




to 


to 


too 




stol 


stole, stool 


stool 




smoSe adv. 


smethe, smoothe 


smooth 




toS 


toth, tooth 


tooth 




gos 


gos, goos 


goose 




wos 


wose, woose 


ooze 




owef 


oof 


woof 




wogian 


wofcn, wowen 


woo 




loma 


lome 


loom 




rod 


rede, roode 


rood 




SCO 


scho, schoo 


shoe 




slog 


slouh, slou5, slou 


slew 




drog 


drouh, drou:, drou 


drew 


a8 


swor 


sware 


sware 


U8 


mor 


more 


moor 


09 


ura 


or 


ore 



266 Manual of L inguistics. 



00 


softe adv. 


softe 


soft 




swor 


swor, swoor, 


swore 




flSr 


flor 


floor 




sohte 


sohte, so5te 


sought 



moste has passed to ('b) through shortened long ii. A 
form with u occurs in Middle English. Perhaps it was due to 
labialisation, on the part of the m, exerted on an o shortened 
before two consonants, doth — In Middle English, the o of 
the tf-forms prevailed over and expelled the d?-form handed 
down from A.S. ^t'5. Then followed the usual course of the 
long o'% that went to (^). The shortening took place first in 
the unemphatic position, enough^ tough — In late Middle 
English OH in ouh (parasitic u before guttural h) had the 
pronunciation that was usually associated with the spelling 
ou, viz., long u. This was shortened in Modern English and 
went to ("b). 

-dom — The shortened vowel in the unstressed syllable has 
naturally passed to the obscure vowel (a). 

zvednesday — o has been shortened with usual confusion 
between wo and tveo, cp. ivelkiu. 

bosom — In these words occurs the later shortening of u, 
which remained, to when unemphatic may be reduced 
to (8). 

blossom, fodder— ^\i& o was shortened in Middle English 
before two consonants. Short o was opened in Middle 
English. It was lowered in Modern English to its present 
sound (o). ^//r;d!'— Compare for similar shortening rod the 
doublet of rood (see below), hough —One would have ex- 
pected hoh to have followed the course of toh. Finally it 
has a ^-sound. Formerly the final sound was that of tough, 
slough, &c. — The long z^-sound that these words, in com- 



So2tnd Relations in English. 267 

mon with enough, &c. (see above), had in Middle English, 
passed right on to the usual goal of long ti, viz., (au). 
Compare the pronunciation of enoiv. 

cavie — M.E. cooin coovien is evidence that the A.S. vowel 
had been preserved. But on the analogy of nam^ pret. of 
niman, cam was substituted for coom. A form cainen would 
have its a lengthened (page 207). The preterite would then 
be levelled under the vowel of the singular and the vowel- 
length of the plural. 

hove — The regular M.E. form must have been hof (with 
close 0). This would now have given (uu). The analogy 
of weave (A.S. ivefan) introduced haf as a preterite and 
hgven as a participle. From the long open of the last our 
hove has got the vowel it has developed regularly. The 
A.S. participle is hafen which could only have given (ei). 

behove ought to have and often does have the pronuncia- 
tion of move, but the comparative infrequency of the word 
in ordinary speech has permitted the spelling to force the 
pronunciation, behoof {h..^. behof) is regular. 

rozv — M.E. OH A.S. ow (and M.E. gu, A.S. (uv) regularly 
give (ou). 7vokc should have been (uu) but has followed 
the analogy of the (ou) preterites. 

(uu) is the regular development of 0. smethe — This will 
come from the adjective smethe (/-umlaut of 0). ooze — The 
zfhas been dropped owing to a dislike to the sequence of 
the two cognate sounds, compare the provincial pronuncia- 
tion of woman, and the different remedy adopted under 
similar circumstances in the case of yes, yet (page 227). 
woof- — The w is due to the influence of weave. A.S. invefx^ 
said to be for on-zvef ' that which is laid on the warp.' rood has 
also a variant rod, see shod in this list, s/eiv, drew -The 



268 Mamtal of L inguistics. 

M.E. droiv, sloiv (long u) yielded to the influence of verbs of 
the knoiv knezv, grow grew class. 

sware shews the analogy of bare (page 2 1 5). ar gives (aa). 
Compare swore below, moor — or gives (ua). ore — Com- 
pare y?!?*?^ below. 

floor — The same result as moor has, might have been got, 
but in some words the uu was broadened to (oo). swore — 
The long close o of the preterite gave place to the long 
open o of the participle swgreft. soft — The long o was 
shortened in Middle English before the two consonants. 
o was opened in Middle English. In the Modern Period 
lowering took place. The (0) thus got was in many words 
(page 232) lengthened and narrowed to (00). sohfe {brohte, 
]>dhte) was shortened in Anglo-Saxon. The short thus got 
would have very much the same development as in soft, for 
the ti was not pronounced in early Modern. Compare 
bought (page 232). 

u : A.S. u represents Teut. u (I.E. u). Sometimes it is a 
compensatory lengthening of Teut. u. 

A.S. u was the long of u. 

In Middle English, u remained. It might represent not 
only an original A.S. u but also the group-lengthened ti 
that came down from Anglian. Both were often written ou. 

u in Modern English has had its first element diverged, 
unrounded, and widened in the direction of the initial 
sound of the present diphthong (au). 

The second element was widened and has taken more or 
less after the first element, retaining rounding. In some 
words the ?7-sound has been retained, in others retained but 
shortened. When the shortening took place sufficiently 
early the result has been (-b) (page 264). 



Sound Relations in English. 



269 







A.S. u. 




■B 


dusl 


dust 


dust 




J;uma 


thoumbe, thoumbe 


thuml) 




plume 


ploume 


plum 




us 


ous, us 


us 




butan 


buten, l)ute, 


but 




scufan 


scliouve 


shove 




ruh 


ruh, rugh, row, rough 


rough 


U 


rum 


roum 


room 




brucan 


bruken, brouken 


brook 




cuSe 


couthe, coude 


could 





grufa (Norse) 


grouelynge 


grovel 


89 


J)iires-dDeg (Norse) 


jjursdai, ])ursdei 


thursday 




furlgng 


furlong, fourlonge 


furlong 


au 


]>u 


])U, |)0U 


thou 




muS 


muS, mouth 


mouth 




mus 


mus, mous 


mouse 




punian 


pounen 


pound 




drugoCe 


drugte, drouhl^e, 
droughte 


drought 




bugan 


buwen, bowen 


bow 




hu 


hu, hou 


how 




bru 


brovve 


brow 




ule 


oule 


owl 


aue 


ure 


ure, cure 


our 




sur 


sur, sour 


sour 




bur 


bour 


bower 


uu 


uncuS 


unkouth 


uncouth 




Stupian 


stoupen 


stoop 



dust — u was shortened before two consonants (page 200). 
The usual development of short ti followed, thombe — The 
spelling with t" is a proof of short u. ous — The emphatic 
form with long u has been displaced by the short unem- 



270 Mamial of Linguistics. 

phatic form, hiten, hute — This is the weak form, the con- 
junction; the adverb and preposition were strong, and had 
forms with ou. Certain of the /7's doubtless got shortened 
at the time when the /?s that came from M.E. o were being 
shortened. 

room, &c. — The sound is retained but shortened, coude 
— The form with voiced consonant is weak and prevailed 
over the strong form with breath consonant. An / was 
introduced from should and %vould. Lack of stress led to 
shortening, and / dropped out of the weak form as in the 
other verbs. The weak form holds the field. 

groiielynge — Here we have shortening, with for 21. This 
o has followed the (^-development. There was also a form 
with u which passed regularly to ("b) a pronunciation that 
still survives. 

\ursdai — Shortening before two consonants appears here. 
/,rr gives (aa). furlong — There is also a M.E. form with 
arguing shortness. 

(au) is the regular development. \u is A.S. lengthening 
of Teut. u. buwen — g has become w after u, cp. draw. 

our — Tir gives (aua). 

uncouth — Long ic is here retained, c\^. youth (page 261). In 
stoop the following labial has helped to keep the quality of 
the vowel. 

y : A.S. y is the /-umlaut of Teut. /?, or of a compensatory 
lengthened Teut. u. It may also represent the 'le's, that are 
the /-umlauts of ea and eo (Teut. au and eu). In Kentish, 
y became e, through lowering and unrounding. Hence j' is 
sometimes written for e (VV.S. fe.) 

In A.S. y was the long of j. 



So2md Relations in English. 271 

y was unrounded in Middle English into i and written /. 
It is also represented by u (U), and sometimes, according to 
French habits, by ui. 

In Modern English y follows mainly the development 
of/. 

A.S. y. 

B })rysta (Norse) Jjrusten, thristen ihrust 

1 fyl?f fulSe, filthe filth 

hydde hidde, y-hid hid 

lytel Intel, litel little 

ai lys lis, lys lice 

cy pi. kie, kye, kyn kine 

hwy hwi, whi why 

dryge druiCjdriqe, drie, dri dry 

bycgan buggen, biggen, bie, Iniy 

by 

aie hyran huren, huyre, hyre hire 

fyr fur, fuir, fir fire 

Oi byle byle, buile, bile boil n. 

thrust — n shortened before st, with usual development of 
short u into ('b). 

filth, &c. — shortening with usual course of short i. little 
— The A.S. word lost an e in inflection. This gave two 
consonants after the y. The plural, &c., thus acquired a 
short vowel which has prevailed throughout. The long 
vowel seems to have remained and developed regularly in 
the proper name Lyte (ai). The pronunciation leetle is per- 
haps due to lowering and an ^'-development— cp. evil, A.S. 
yfel (page 239). 

Orm writes the singular I'ltell, the plural little. Compare 
hallow (page 242). 



272 Maimal of L inguistics. 

lice — The words in this hst have followed the develop- 
ment of long /, which has been diphthongised to (ai). kine 
is a double plural got by the addition of -ett, the levelled 
form of the A.S. plu. suffix -aji. The simple plural is seen 
in the Scotch kye, with similar diphthongal development. 
dri-}ye — After palatal vowels {c, i) g becomes / and is merged 
after /. Of course the zhere is already long, hycgan (2 pers. 
sing, bygest), thej"^-forms have given development, with the 
same course as in the previous word. 

hire, &c. — Ir gives (aie). 

boil — M.E. Inle on its road to (ai) had reached the stage 
(ai). The ^ here is the obscure vowel, mid-mixed-narrovv. 
The verb boil had reached the same sound, for oi had passed 
through (ui) and ("Bi) to (ai). The two words (as sound- 
groups) were mixed. The spelling with (?/ was established, 
and by and by drove the pronunciation into a reproduction 
of the spelling, in fact, restored the original sound. The 
sound is now (oi), and the verb and noun have the same 
sound in educated speech, though in the vulgar dialect, boil, 
the noun, has its own historical pronunciation. The word 
bile 'secretion of the liver' (Fr. bile) of course developed 
regularly into (ai). Compare with boil vb. and boil n. 
(M.E. bile) the words toil and tile which once had the same 
pronunciation. But toil though its pronunciation was 
normalised did not as a sound-group carry with it tile, which 
went on to (ai). 

For a lengthy number of pages the various developments 
of A.S. originals have been considered. It will now be 
requisite to put down the vice versa and trace back each 
modern development to its principal A.S. originals. This 



Sound Relations in English. 273 

■must be done briefly. Actual words illustrating the changes 
referred to below will be found under the A.S. letters. 

■B has been got from A.S. u, u, y, 6. 

i has been got from A.S. i, y, i, y. 

e has been got from A.S. e, co, ee, ae, ea. 

ae has been got from A.S. a (se, ea), a. 

a has been got from A.S. 0, 6. 

89 has been got from A.S. eor, er, yr, ir, ur. 

ai has been got from A.S. i, y, i, ih, yh, eg, eog, eoh, eah, 
«ag. 

au has been got from A.S. u, u. 

ei has been got from A.S. seg, ecg, eg, a (ae ea). 

ou has been got from A.S. a, ow, ol. 

ii has been got from A.S. e, eo, e, ea, se. 

yuu has been got from A.S. eow, eaw, iw. 

uu has been got from A.S. eow, eaw, 6. 

aa has been got from A.S. e, eo, followed by r + cons., 
and a (ae, ea) followed by r + cons., s + cons., and by th. 

00 has been got from A.S. or, al (ael, eal), ag, war 
(wear), {-\-f, s, ///), oht, iht (seht), aw. 

Some remarks were made on these modern developments 
on pages 197 and 198. 

A passing reference to words of Anglo-French origin 
must suffice. The sounds in these words shared the fate 
of the similar sounds that existed in the developed Anglo- 
J-iaxon of their date. I say developed because certain 
Anglo-Saxon sounds had undergone changes. (~c and ea 
had given e (long open e) ; a had given [> (long open o) ; 
short e and had become open sounds ; and .i,"" had been 

s 



2 74 



Mamial of Lingjiisiics. 



vocalised to / and ;/. Long French u was levelled under 
the eu that had been got from A.S. eaw, &c. 

The following three lines will go to illustrate the similarity 
in development alluded to above. Line i denotes the 
sounds of the developed Anglo-Saxon ; line 2 contains 
words of native origin that have developed these sounds ;. 
litie 3 contains words of Anglo-French origin that have 
developed the same sounds. The words of native origin 
are taken from the vowel lists where they may be found 
with the help of the index. 



aag f e 110 9 

man scale ferry east geese bill by on oak 

(weapon) 

ban bale peril beast degree bill cry honour cloak 

(measure) 

o u u ai ei au eu 

stool run mouse day way draw dew 

full (Ch. vvey) 

fool plunge spouse delay veil cause beauty 
bull 

(edict) 



beast 2indfool\\?i6. originally short vowels in Anglo-French, 
No comparison of the ^/-sound can be given. It does not 
occur in words of native origin. For boil see page 270, 
And the OH-so\xx\d had lost its diphthongic character in 
Anglo-French, and had become a symbol for the long 
i-z-sound, being used as such in Middle English. 

It is worth while noticing how the Anglo - Saxoi> 
originals of these sounds have fared in Scotch. Modern 
Scotch (not Scotch-English) is really latter-day Northum- 
brian. It has had a distinct development of its own in 



So7Uid Relations in English. 275 

which sounds have changed pretty uniformly, subject to 
comparatively little deflection produced by their surround- 
ings, save that caused by a following g or h. r is always 
the point-trill and has had nothing like the influence it has 
had in English. The alterations it effects are chiefly 
quantitative, not so often qualitative. It ought to be added 
that Scotch is more retentive of vowel quality than English. 
For example, the shortened / in sick is wide in English, but 
narrow, like its original long in Scotch. Indeed, the long 
/-sound is now wide in English. Here follow, with Murray's 
spellings, Scotch examples of the Anglo-Saxon originals. 



A.S. 


Scotch. 




a 


man (1. b. w.) 




a and % 


• steane and neame (h. f. w. 4- m. 


, f. w.) 


f 


man (1. f. w.) 




ea 


eist (h. f. n.) 




e 


feit (h. f. n.) 




i and y 


blynd and hyll (m. f. w.) 




1 


weyfe (m. f. w. -i- h. f n.) 







on (m. b. w. r.) 







stuil (m. f. n. r.) 




u 


grund (m. b. n.) 




u 


mooss (h. b. n. r.) 




seg 


day (m. f. n.) 




eg 


waiy (m. f. n. -l-h. f n.), or as in 


day 


ag 


draa (1. b. w., long) 




eaw eow 


deuw and bleuw (m. f. n. r-t-h. 
before a cons., as in stuil). 


b. n. r., 


ow 


growe (m. b. w. r. -|-h. b. n. r.) 




aw 


blaa (1. b. w., long) 





276 Manual of Linguistics. 

Note that blind and ground have not been group- 
lengthened in Scotch. 

A.S. a was not rounded in Scotch but along with 
lengthened a (before consonant + vowel) passed to present 
sound. A.S. d-cv levelled under ow in English has had the 
same result as ag in Scotch — cp. draa and b/aa (A.S. 
dragan and bldwan). oi in Scotch has two values. Thus 
boyl in the South has the sound of mid-back-wide-round 
followed by high-front-narrow ; beyle in the centre and north 
has the sound of mid-front-wide and high- front-narrow. 

A few examples of noticeable Southern Scotch develop- 
ments of A.S. sounds before gutturals will not be out of 
place. In this dialect the guttural after back vowels is 
labialised (cp. G. auch), after front vowels it is palatalised. 
In the other dialects occurs the ordinary guttural with 
occasionally a different vowel-sound. After a high-front- 
narrow and a high-back-narrow-round a simple guttural also 
occurred in Southern Scotch. 

From ah — auivcht (1. b. w. -F h. b. n. r., A.S. dhte), ah 
— leawch ' low ' (m. f. n., long) and hvnvch ; from eoh — 
fcBycht (1. f w.), eah — cpycht ; from ih — ncycht (m. f. w.) ; 
from oh — dowchter (m. b. w.), oh — soivcht \ from oh also 
leuwch 'laughed' (m. f. n. r., A.S. hloh) ; from uh — riavch 
' rough ' (m. b. n.). 

eag — Scotch ey ' eye ' has in south the value mid-front- 
wide -H high-front-narrow, in other dialects it is written ee, 
and has the value high-front-narrow (long). 

ug — buw ' bend' with value mid-back-narrow -f- high-back- 
narrow-round in south, elsewhere it has the value high-back- 
narrow-round. 

yg — drye with value lovv-back-wide -I- high-front-narrow. 



Round Relations in English. 277 

The sound heard here is the nearest Scotch equivalent to 
EngHsh long /. 

Anglo-Saxon consonants, their passage to, and repre- 
sentation in, Modern English, will now be the subject of 
some remarks. 

b : A.S. b occurs initially. Medially and finally it appears 
geminated, or in the group mb. 

In the present language A.S. b appears as b — bind, dumb, 
web {bindan, dumb, ivcbb (Teut. bj)) ; as p —gossip {god- 
sibb). p occurs in unkempt for unkembed (cemban ' to 
comb,' umlaut from camb (Gk. yofj^po; ' bolt ') ). b has 
disappeared in oakum (acumba ' tow '). Though written it 
is not now pronounced in the group mb. 

Our b, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, is the lip-stop-voice. 

For developed b see under m. 

c : A.S. c had two values, back-stop and front-stop. It 
remained back before back vowels and umlauted vowels 
(and before consonants) — «(^;), 0, u, a (Teut. a/), 0, ?7, & 
(umlaut of « = Teut. ai) ; e,y, a' (umlaut ofo), y, tr (e), but was 
fronted before all vowels that were front before mutation 
began. This is apparent from the Modern English words 
that derive from A.S. initial c. From bac'k c — care, come, 
coal, cool, coiv, key, kiss, keen, clean {caru, cicman, col, col, 
cu, ccrge, cyssan, ceneix), cl^ne). This c was in Middle 
English sometimes written c, sometimes k (page 190). From 
fr07it c — chin, churl, cheek {ci?in, ceorl, ceoce). In Anglo- 
Saxon, front c was represented by c, but at the Norman Con- 
quest, it was, according to French (Central French) fashion 
represented by ch, with pretty much the sound of ch in child. 
In French, this sound developed into the ^/^-sound of 
Modern French. 



278 Manual of L mguistics. 

Final c is represented by k — ark {earc). Final cc (some- 
times c) is represented by ck — cock {cocc). cw was displaced 
by French qu — queen (ctveti). 

When c followed front vowels, ch was often developed 
through influence of inflectional front-vowel e — ivhich, such, 
pitch (Jiwilc, sivylc, pic). The spelling of the last word leads 
one to notice that tch (M.E. cch, chch) is the regular repre- 
sentative of doubled c^flitch {fiicce). 

This sound is regularly written ch after long vowels — 
coach, teach {tctc{e)an). After a short vowel tch often occurs 
—pitch, ditch (die), but sometimes ch — rich, much, &c. After 
a consonant, ch is written — quench {cwencan), which, such. 
In these two last the consonant / is now lost. 

ch is sometimes voiced into ay-sound — knowledge (M.E. 
knoivleche), {Gree7i)ivich. It is written j in ajar (M.E. on 
char, A.S. on, cerr). 

ch has disappeared in /, every, barley, lent, made, droivn 
{ic, cefre, cflc, luerlic, lencten, macode). 

A.S. sc is usually sh (M.E. sch) in the present language 
■ — -shake {sc(e)acan), fresh {fersc), but occasionally sk (by- 
form in ks, x) — ask (prov. ax). Note also mussel (A.S. 
fnuscle). 

It should be noticed that Northern forms exhibit k for 
Southern ch. Compare kirk and church, seek and beseech. 

The k in kn is now no longer sounded. 

Tht frofited k that is heard in provincial English (and in 
American) in words like cart is an effect that was produced 
by the previous stage of (aa) viz., the front (seae) (p. 21^). 
Compare under g. 

The present hard c is the back-stop-breath. 

The word ache might have been noticed above. There 



Sound Relations in English. I'jO) 

was an A.S. verb acan which gave in Middle English aken, 
and an A.S. noun cce which gave in Middle English eche. 
The modern word is a blending of the vowel of the verb 
and (as far as form goes) the ch of the noun. The noun ache 
once had the ^/z-sound. 

d : In Anglo-Saxon and Middle English instances occur of 
the loss of sonancy that is seen in our dwelt for divelled. 

Of course A.S. d appears now as d. It also appears as 
/ — reft, ivont, leant, tilt ' canvas covering ' {rcafode, gewunod, 
hhende, teld) ; and as tlz (voiced), when preceded by a vowel 
and followed by r — -father, mother, gather, weather, hither 
{feeder, Dwdor, gcedrian, weder, hider). 

Assimilation occurs in winnoiv, gossip {jvindivian, godsibU), 
.^has disappeared in tine ' tooth of a harrow,' lime, woodbine^ 
wanion, answer, gospel {tind, Hud, tvuduhind, formerly 
waniand {tvane, part, taken for noun), ondsivaru, godspell). 
upholsterer was once upholdster. Notice iro?i mould, once 
yron-mole (A.S. mdl ' spot '), and newfatigled, once neivefan- 
gel (A.S. fon (fangan ' to catch ') ). 

In words like verdure, the ^+j-sound has with some 
speakers passed into a </+ voiced j-//-sound. Compare she 
and sure (page 290). See also under /. A ^-sound is 
■disappearing in words like singe. 

Our d, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, is the point-stop- 
voice. 

S : A.S. 5 between vowels or vocalic sounds was voiced. 
Initially, there was probably a voiced as well as a voiceless 
variety. Finally, it was, in West-Saxon, probably voiced. 
,In the combinations t"^, d^, s<5, the *^ passes to /. d is as- 



2 8o Manual of L inguistics. 

similated. The results are // and st. \s usually passes to- 
ss. The Gothic ]> was voiceless in all positions. 

In the Southern dialect of Middle English this letter was 
voiced. In the Midland and Northern dialects there was 
an initial and final breath sound possibly inherited fron> 
the Anglian. 

As to the orthography, \ gradually ousted 5, being itself 
replaced, in .French fashion, by ///. 

To the voiced sounds in the present weak the, that, they^ 
then, there, though, and with, there were opposed in Middle 
English the breath sounds of strong forms. 

In Scotch the th of though and ivith is a breath sound. 

In the present language th when initial except in the 
above words is a breath sound. Finall)', it is also breathed 
(except in ivith, and the vbs., viouth, bequeath, smooth) — loath, ._ 
breath, bath. To these are opposed the voiced sounds ia 
loathe, breathe, bathe. The voiced sound is due to the fact 
that these words were intervocaUc in Middle English. In 
certain plurals in ths the tli is said to be voiced (not in 
Scotch) — baths, cloths, mouths, truths, oaths, paths, laths., 
wreaths. The /// of some words, owing to a weathering of 
terminations, is now final, with consequent change from 
voice th to breath th — earth, beneath. 

A.S. S is of course represented by th in Modern English. 
It is also represented by / — stalwart, lest, sight, eyot, nostril, 
husting{s) {stcelwier^e, ^y lies ^e, gesihtS, ega^, nos^ryl, hus- 
hing) ; and by d^cou{l)d (c/i^e) (see A.S. u). It is after r, 
and before r and /, that d usually appears — burden, murder, 
afford, spider (M.E. spither), rudder, swaddle, fiddle {byr'SeUy 
myr'^ra7i, {ge)for'5ian, spifSre, rot5or, swe^el, fiSele). For ex- 
amples of assimilation take lissom (lithesome), Surrey, 



Sound Relations in English. 281 

Sussex, Suffolk (Ti^e, Su'^rige, Su^-Seaxan, Su'S-folc). "S has 
also dropped — wrist, worship, Nonvich, sin{ce), or {wrist 
for 7cirii5st, from 7vrl^au), weoriSscipe, Nor'^ivic, si'^^an, 
dhwce'Ser). Note wrath and moth (wne^^o, niOiSiSe). The 
//^-sound has, as in Anglo-Saxon, two values, the point-teeth- 
open-breath and the point-teeth-open-voice. 

f : A.S. / represents Teut. / and z: It was voiced 
between vowels, and after r or / followed by a vowel. 
Probably it was also voiced finally, and perhaps initially, 
except in the Northern dialect. This seems to be Sweet's 
conclusion. Sievers speaks of initial surdness. /in Gothic 
was a breathed letter. It was i> there that medially after 
vowels had the sound of v. / was and would remain 
breathed in combinations \[ke/s,/t, ff. 

In the Southern dialect of Middle English /was voiced. 
It was written v initially, and medially, but not finally, 
because confusion with vocalic u would have ensued. To 
avoid confusion / is also written before voiced letters. 
French words, however, being introduced later, kept their 
breathed/ 

In the Midland and Northern dialects there was an initial 
and final breath/ possibly inherited from the Anglian. 

The present voicing and breathing in weak ^and strong 
off (both A.S. 0/) would naturally exist in Middle English. 

/ is now pronounced everywhere when written, even 
between vowels, as in wi/e and /i/e. 0/a.nd its compounds, 
whcre-of, &c., are exceptions. Certain words that had v in 
Middle English we now write with/ — belief, sheriff. 

A.S. /appears in Modern English ^% f— father, deaf, wolf, 
fifty, chafer {feeder, deaf ivulf fiftig, ceafor; as ff- — staff 
{stcef) ; as v (between vowels very common) — cove, raven y 



282 Manual of L ingidstics. 

harvest, wolves {cofa, hrcefn, hcerfest, wuifas). In Northern 
Scotch the /-sound is to be heard in certain intervocalic 
plurals — wyffis. 

Only a few words appear in English with Southern initial 
V — va?ie, vat, vixen, vinewed * mouldy ' {/ana, fcst, fyxen, 
fynegod, p. p. oifynegian ' to become mouldy '). 

For examples of vocalisation take hawk, ?iezvt (page 222), 
auger {hafoc, cfete, nafogdr). f has been assimilated in 
lamnias {hldfiiuvsse). It has been dropt in lord, lady, 
head, anent, anthem, stem {hldford, hhefdige, heafod, on efen, 
antefn, stefn {stemn) ). 

Our /is, as was the A.S. voiceless/ the lip-teeth-open- 
breath. 

g : As in the case of c, A.S. g was kept a back consonant 
before back and umlaut vowels (and before consonants), 
but fronted before vowels that were front before umlaut 
operated. This is proved by the spelling of the following 
modern words deriving from A.S. initial g. From back g — 
gold, goat, gild, geese, glad {gold, gat, gyldan, ges (a-), 
glcEd). From front g^yield, yarn, yellotv {geldan, gearn, 
geolu). Many modern words have g where y was to be 
expected. This is due to the fact that they are Norse 
words — girth ; or Northern forms — give (Ch. yiven), get ; or 
to the fact that the back g of other forms has ousted the front 
g — begin (with g from begatm). Different vowels in cognate 
forms may also yield different results — gate from A.S. plu. 
gatu, yate (Northern) from A.S. sing, gcj^t. 

Note also the representation of hard g by gu and gh, as 
in guest and ghost. 

The back stop occurred finally in ng. This is borne out 
by modern words — sing, long (A.S. singan, lang (o)). Also 



Sound Relations in English. 283 

in 0:1; after unmutated vowelsy>'r;ri,7? * frog,' doc^a ' dog.' But 
when 71}:; or q:; (doubled ^^'•=Teut. ,5,7) was preceded by an 
umlaut vowel the ^;^ was front-stop, as in A.S. scngan, brycg. 
The nc; and eg have here developed into the sounds heard 
in modern singe and bridge. 

According to Sweet A.S. g represented four sounds, two 
stop and two open, with a back and front variety in each. 
Sievers holds that A.S. g was an open rather than a stop 
sonant. Teut./ was levelled under open g. 

Initially, in Anglo-Saxon, g was either the open or stop 
variety. Uninitial g was an open consonant either front or 
back ; front-open before Teut. /, j^folgian, and when an 
open g after a front vowel was final or followed by a front 
vowel — dccg, dceges ; back-open when preceded by a back 
vowel {r or / may come between) either finally or medially 
— trog^ genog, burg. This g was later on unvoiced to h. 
It was also back-open though preceded by a front vowel, if 
a back vowel followed. Front-open and back-open ^i,"- were 
often assimilated by succeeding breaths and written h. 
They are dropped after front vowels when followed by the 
voice letters c>, ;/, d — sccde for scegde. Front g is dropped 
in "4'' — sthvard for stigtveard. 

In Middle English, front g became everywhere 5 — we 
now write y — except in ng and eg preceded by umlaut 
vowel, e.g., M.E. sengen, brigge (A.S. saiga n, bryeg). The 
symbol g was used to denote the sound heard in these words. 

g of course represented the stop g. French soft ^^ was 
also written g, but when initial usually/. In the Ormulum, 
back-open g was written 5/;. 

Initial 5 (Teut./ ) has dropped off (sometimes in Middle 
English) — {ie)ie/e, if, iteh (A.S. {Js)giec/, gif, giee{e)an). 



284 Mamtal of Linguistics. 

Initial 5 (Teut. g) has sometimes had the same fate— 
enough (M.E. inoh, A.S. genoh), yclept {geckopod). Compare 
handkvork ijiatidgeweorc). 

Examples of the vocalisation of g after vowels have 
occured in the vowel lists. By way of recapitulation one 
example will now be given of each occurrence. 

Examples, 
saw (sagu) 

slain, rain, may (sla;gen, regen, mjeg) 

nine, many, honey (nigon, manig, hunig) 

rye, tie (ryge, tyge) 

bow (boga) 

sow (sugu) 

own (agen) 

clay, grey, neigh (clivg, grteg, hnKgan) 

eye, lye (cage, leag) 

lie, fly (leogan, fleogan) 

hie, friday (higian, frige-daeg) 

woo (wogian) 

bow (bfigan) 

dry (dryge) 

Note also the vocalisation of g after r — morrow (A.S. 
morgen). 

Note also the transformation of ^t,^ in these — henchman 
(A.S. hengest-inann ' horseman '), orchard (A.S. ort-geard). 

g before // is not now sounded. 

The fronted g that is heard in provincial English (and in 
American) in words like garden is an effect that was pro- 
duced by the previous stage of (aa), viz., the front (aeae) 
(p. 214). Compare under c. The present hard g is the 
back-stop-voice. 

h : A.S. 1i had three values — throat-open, back-open, front- 



A.S. 


Mod. E. 


ag 


aw 


seg eg 


ai, ay 


ig 


i. y> ey 


yg 


ye, ie 


og 


ow 


ug 


ow 


ag 


ow 


aeg 


ay, ey, ei 


eag 


ye 


eog 


ie, y 


ig 


ie, i 


6g 


00 


ug 


ow 


yg 


y 



Sotind Relations in English. 285 

open. Initially and medially before a vowel it was a mere 
Ijreath. JNIedially and finally it was the back-open or front- 
open according as a guttural or palatal vowel preceded. 
Before / in /// it was the front-open (see Chap. VIII., under i). 

In Middle P^nglish, it dropped from weak {]i)it in the Mid- 
land and Northern dialects. It was also dropped in initial 
/;/-, ///, hn. hw was kept and sometimes written wh (lip- 
back-open). In the North it became the rounded back- 
open, a sort of labialised guttural. This was written qiih 
{qu). 

Medially and finally, it was in Middle English either the 
rounded back-open, or the front-open, according to the 
character of the preceding vowel. In writing it was ex- 
pressed by h, 3, and finally by gh (page 192). On the 
addition of an e, h became 7v. 

In the Modern Period, initial h was dropped very gener- 
ally in speech, but its retention in writing, and the influence 
of Scotch and Irish speakers of English have led to its 
resuscitation in speech. It is even now sounded in many 
French words where it was originally mute. Medially and 
finally, it has now either the sound of^^ or is mute. 

A.S. h appears in Modern English as // — ///// (A.S. hyH), 
&c.; as 7vh (when follows) — ivho/e (A.S. /idl). Medially 
and finally, it appears as gh — night, brought, taught, tough, 
laughter, dzvarf {tiiht, brohte, tcehte, toh, hleahtor, dtveorh). 
Most of these have been mentioned in the vowel-lists, and 
may be found from the index. 

A.S. hr, hi, hn appear as r, I, n, in their modern descen- 
dants — rime, lord, tiit {Jirim, hi a ford, h?iitu). A.S. hzu ap- 
pears as 7vh — who (hzvd). Initial 7t>h is not always to be 
carried back to hzc. For example zchit and zvhelk are to be 



286 Ma nual of L ingu is tics. 

referred to A.S. tviht and iviloc. Notice the disappearance 
of h in fee, lea, not {nought), wassail {feoh, leak, Jidht, was 
heel). 

Our h is the throat-open-breath. 

1 : A.S. / disappears in many words — much, such, each, 
tvhich, 7veiich, bad, England, spot {/nycel, stvylc, ielc, hwilc, 
ivencel, bceddel sb. ' effeminatus,' Etigle-lmd, sploti). An 
intrusive d appears between / and r in alder {air). I is_now 
dropped in the pronunciation of many words — half, calf 
walk, folk, yolk, should, would, &c. 

Our / is, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, the point-side-voice. 

XD.'. A b (now silent) attaches itself to this letter- — thutnb, 
crumb, numb, limb {puma, cruma, ge?tufnen, lini). Between 
in and /, m and r, d^ b \?> commonly developed — thimble, 
shamble{s), slumber {pymel, scamol ' stool,' slumerian). A p- 
also sometimes appears between m and / — empty {cemtig). 
Compare glimpse (M.E. glimsen). 

Notice ant from amte (A.S. ^mete), and compare account 
from accompte. Emmet also occurs. 

Our m is, like the A.S. m, the lip-nasal-voice. 

n : A.S. ;/ has disappeared in these — game, holly, penny ^ 
mistletoe, eleven {gamen, hole{g)n, paii?ig, mistel-tdn, end- 
Info?/). Compare auger and adder which have both lost 
initial n {nceddre, nafogdr). A d sometimes attaches itself 
to this letter — lend, pound, round ' whisper,' bound ' ready 
to go,' horehound {hoarhound) {Idnan, puniaji, runian, 
Norse buin, hdrehune). This sound is developed between 
71 and r, n and / — thunder, kindred, spindle, divindle {^unor, 
cynrceden, spinel, dw'man). 

For examples of assimilation take dross, ell {drosn, eln). 
n is intrusive in nightingale (A.S. nihte gen., gale 'singer'). 



Sound Relations in Enclish. 287 



«!> 



Compare messenger, passenger, bitterti had no // in Middle 
English (l)itoiir). It is French in origin. The 71 in 7iewf 
(A.S. efete) and nickna7ne (an eke7iame) has got attached in 
the sentence life of the words, and comes from the article 
a7i. Compare 7i07ice where the 71 comes from the dative of 
definite article (A.S. 5<7w, (5J«)). Chaucer has for the 
no72es. 

Note wi7tiple (A.S. ivinpel), he/np (A.S. h(C7iep). Peri- 
winkle ' winkle ' is from A.S. pinewi7icla. 

Our 71 is, like the A.S. n, the point-nasal-voice. 

p : Besides appearing as /, A.S. / appears as b — lobster, 
pebble, cob{T.veb) {loppestre, papol, dttor-coppe (]\I.E. attercop 
* spider'). The last word is to be heard in Scotch as netter- 
cap, with inorganic n, as in netvt. 

For example of assimilation take chaffer, a verb formed 
from a substantive (M.E. chaffare, A.S. ceap 'purchase, 
faru ' journey '). 

Our/, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, is the lip-stop-breath. 

For developed p see under /;/. 

r : A.S. r was a full point-open-voice as in Scotch. In 
the commentary on the vowel lists the effect of r on preced- 
ing vowels has often been alluded to. It has been seen 
that even in Middle English it broadened vowels into a. 
It is a sound that has always favoured the generation of 
vowel sounds before it. Compare the Anglo-Saxon breaking 
before r -)- consonant. Later on, in the Modern Period, e, i, 
71 followed by r were levelled by its influence under obscure 
vowel 3. Long vowels, too, suffered broadening. 

In the present Standard language, r, except before a vowel, 



288 Manual of L ingtL is tics. 

is a mere voice-glide. As such it is heard finally, and 
before a consonant. Even this is sometimes merged in the 
preceding vowel. 

A.S. r often suffers metathesis. Many instances have 
appeared in the vowel-lists. Additional examples are — 
grass, cress, fresh, ivright, third {gcers, cerse, fersc, wyrhta, 
"Sridda). 

It has disappeared in speak speech (i\.S. sprecan, sprclc 
later specan, spar). 

r is inserted in bridegroom (A.S. bryd-guma). 

paddock is from A.S. pearroc ' park,' bass (the fish) from 
A.S. beers. 

s : A.S. .f between vowels or vocalic sounds was voiced. 
Initially, there was probably fluctation. Finally, it was pro- 
bably voiced in West-Saxon. Naturally it was and would 
remain a breath-sound in combinations like st, ss, &c. The 
Gothic s was voiceless. 

In Middle Enghsh, s was voiced in all positions in the 
Southern dialect. When initial, and before a vowel, it was 
written z in certain texts. Sometimes, medially and finally, 
z was written, but generally s represented the voiced as well 
as the voiceless letter. The s of French words was not 
voiced. The voicing was over. These would reinforce the 

hissed s. 

ss was sometimes, owing to French influence, written sc. 
And later on in Middle English, ce was, after French habits, 
used to denote a final hissed s. In the Modern Period sc 
in some words replaced s initially — in sce^/f, scite, scititatio7i 
and in the native scythe. It has remained in the first and 
last words. 



Sound Relations in English. 289 

In Middle English there would exist strong hissed forms 
of is, his, was, has, along with the then developing and now 
prevalent weak buzzed forms. 

In the Midland and Northern dialects there was an initial 
and final breath s, possibly inherited from the Anglian. 

In Modern English initial s has always the hissed sound. 
Plural s, and the s in weak syllables generally (unless follow- 
ing surd letters) have buzzed sounds. Emphatic mono- 
syllables like geese have a hissed s. Compare the hiss heard 
in the substantives house mouse, with the buzz heard in the 
verbs house and mouse. When house is made into plural 
houses the first s becomes buzzed. Not so in Scotch. 
There the plural has its first s a hiss, as in the singular. The 
second s is of course a buzz. 

The buzzed sound of medial and final s is not always in- 
dicated by the spelling. This is done in tvheeze, freeze, 
hazel, &c. Compare the alternation of buzz and hiss in 
graze and grass, brazen and brass, glaze and glass, glazier 
has had its buzz fronted to voiced sh. rise and choose have 
a buzzed s. 

The s here was intervocalic, rose and chose have also the 
buzzed letter. The s here was final in Middle English. 
The infinitives helped them to the buzz. The s in wise 
(A.S. wts^ is buzzed. The s would be intervocalic in the in- 
flectional forms. In Scotch, wise has a hissed s. 

Notice the buzz and hiss in words like exert and exercise. 
In the first the s comes between an unaccented and an ac- 
cented vowel, in the second between an accented and un- 
accented. 

A.S. 5- appears in Modern English as s — sun, thirst, kiss 
{suniie, ^yrst, cyssan) ; as ce — ice, mince, mice (Is, minsian, mys) ; 

T 



290 Mamtal of L ingti is tics. 

as z — adze, hazel, dizzy {adese, hcBsel, dysig) ; as c/i- — linch- 
(pin) {fynes 'axle-tree'); as sh — she (seo). A.S. seo in its 
weak form shifted stress to second element. The s with the 
indistinct first element of the diphthong passed to sj and 
then to i-/z-sound. She takes its present shape and sound 
from a blending of the initial consonant of the weak form 
with the vowel of the strong. Compare the modern change 
of s in suf'e into i'//-sound. 

jr^' has become s in a/ms (A.S. (s/messe). alms is a singu- 
lar like eaves (x\.S. efes). Contrast bodice which really is a 
plural, equalling bodies, st has given ss in blossom (A.S. 
blostm). s has sometimes changed places with the preced- 
ing consonant — ivasp, hasp (A.S. waps, hapse). s drops in 
some words — burial, riddle, paddle (A.S. byrgels, rcvdels, 
spadii). Pea is a manufactured singular from M.E. pese 
i^dX^x pease) {A.'$). pisa, V,. pisujti). x has been foisted into 
island (M.E. Hand, A.S. iglatid) from the analogy of the 
French isle. Notice {be)hest and hoarse (A.S. h^s, has). 

Our hissed s is, Hke the A.S. hissed 5-, the blade-open- 
breath. 

t: A.S. /, besides appearing as f, sometimes shews voic- 
ing — proud, pride {prut, pryte). It also appears as th — 
swarth{y), anthem {sweart, atitefn). lath is from A.S. 
Icett. 

bless (A.S. bletsian, umlaut from blod) is an example of 
assimilation. 

/ has disappeared in these — anvil, gorse, best, last, Essex, 
Sussex {anfilte, gorst, bejst, latost, East-Seaxan, West- 
Seaxan). Compare ado for at-do. 

t is often attached to words in s, perhaps owing to the in- 



Sound Relations in English. 291 



fluence of the termination st — against, amongst, 7vhUst, 
{whiles), behest, earnest sb. (M.E. ernes'). Tlie s in against, 
&c., is an adverbial suffix representing an original genitive 
case. / is also attached in anent (A.S. anejn). 

In words like nature, the Z+j^-sound has with some 
speakers passed to / + i-//-sound. See under d. 

t when preceded by s and f, and followed by /, n, ni, is 
dropped in pronunciation (not always in Scotch) — castle, 
fasten, christmas. In words like milch and bench, the /-sound 
is being dropt. 

Our / is, like the A.S. /, the point-stop-breath. 

w : A.S. w, when final, is after consonants often vocalised 
to 71(0) — geolu. It is vocalised and forms a diphthong with 
the preceding originally short vowel — treo cnco. The w is here 
often added, taken as it is from the oblique cases, ive and 
zva after / and r appear in Modern English as ow — swallotv, 
yellozv, arrow, sparrow {swealwe, geolwe plu., ar(e)zve, 
speanva). soul, four ^xo. from A.S. saivol, feower. 

w has disappeared in ooze, root vb., lisp, lark, thong, fret, 
so {wos, wrotan {wrdt ' snout '), wlisp adj., Idiverce, ^zvong, 
frcetwan, stvd). The w in answer, sword, though written, is 
not pronounced. In ansiver, the w is in the unaccented 
syllable, iv in the combination ivr is now silent. The 
combination ivh has in Southern English the same sound 
as w. 

In Modern English, as in Anglo-Saxon, w is the lip-back- 
open-voice. 

X : A.S. X remains — axe {cex). 



INDEX. 



(The numbers refer to pages. Only the Greek, Latin, Anglo-Saxon, 
linglish, and German words have been indexed. The English words 
occurring in Chapters VIII. and IX. have a separate index.) 



-a, 70 

dyere, 26, 27 

a7tos, 42, 45 

ayvv/xi, 16 

dypds, 25, 95 

dyx^, 42 

a7xw, 63 

ddeXcpos, 77 

dd^vos, 98 

ddTjf, 98 

ddriv, 121 

dedXos, 27 

d^Kw;', 1 14 

d^vT-, III, 112 

di-0/j.ai, 42, 45 

(XTj^t, 28, 29, III, 112 

'Adrjua^e, 63 

dOpoos, 122 

ala, 42 

a{^w, 33, 77, 143 
aiVoXos, 99 
dicTTOs, 85 

aiTLOS, 79 

at'xM^, 114 
aitij', 47 
aKfjuov, 22 

(XK'OyW, 56, 103 

'AKpdyas, I20 
aKpiTos, 59 

d/CWK')?, 121 

aKdiv, 114 
d\el(poj, 167 
dXts, 121 
dXXos, 41 



Greek. 

Ujua, 68 

dn^poTOi, 62, 122 
dfJ-ei^o}, 102 
dyttA7w, 114 
d/i/xes, 70, 131 

dMi;6s, 74, 99 
dfiopyij, 120 
dfJ.<pi(pa\os, 74 
dficpLcpopevs, 119 

QM^'X^'J', 74 
dfKpopevs, 119 
di'Sdcw, 54 
dfdpa, 122 
dveaai, 122 
dl'611, 122 
d!'ei,t'£6j, 72 
d^'O/cwx?;, 121 
-avT-, 70 

ai'T', 31 
dcrXos, 81 
dvvopos, 68 
dci/w, 122 
a^ii"7, 57 

dO(T(T7}T7]p, 68 

dira^, 68 
aTrXoOs, 68 
dTTo, 74, 120, 124 
dTToepcre, 65 

aTTOUS, 68 

dpYo's, 91 
dp5w, 79 
dpKTos, 65, 66 
dpvaai, 130 

dpTTT), 121 



a/'o-'?*', 47 
dcp-evos, 54> J 22 
dcaa, 42 
daffov, 42 
-arai, 70 
drep, 122 
drepos, 67 
-axo, 70 
'ArpetSa, 1 14 
'ArpfiSao, II 4 
OTTO., 42 
au^di'w, 114 
aiipiov, 115 
ai/crw, 67 
ai'w, 51 
aucos, 46, 115 
d<pvia, 1 14 

/3a(^i''S, 74 

^aivw, 19, 41, 50, 62, 68, 

70, lOI 
^dXauos, 102 
/SdXXw, 100 
/Sacd, 74, 99 
^dpadpov, 99 
jidp^apos, 121 
/3api''S, 64, 98, 105 
(iaaCKries, II 5 
/iacrtXTjs, I15 
jidcTKix), 51 
/3Aoj, 15, 100, 
^i^pdiaKw, 65, 98, 99 
/Jios, 47, 96 
/3t6s, 97 



294 



Index. 



pXevw, 105 
^\e(papov, 105 
/3Xw(r/iw, 62 
pbOpos, 74, 83, 119 
§o\-n, 15 
^opa, 65, 98, 99 

§6(TKU, 10 1 

^ovKoKos, 99 
^ovXerai, 6 1 
^oDs, 38, 44, 97, III 

^paxi'S, 102 
^pVTwp, 46 

PpOTOi, 62, 64 

7dXa, 122, 123 
yafjL^pos, iiS 
yapyaped)!', 121 
yeyafxev, 70 
yiyova, 70 
761-605, 52, 115 
7e'i'os, 89 
7eVoi;s, 1 1 5 
yevTo, 62 
7eVi:s, 50, 132 
76^^;/, 135 
yipovTo., 135 
7et''0/tat, 36, 139 
7ei;w, 90, 139 
y-qdew, 112 
•yiyi'o/.i.ai, 121 
7i7^ai(TK'u;, 90 
7Xoia, 35 
y\vKvppL('a, 122 
7\i;k(^s, 80 
yovara, 49, 113 
701'^, 49, 113 
76i;i', 95 
7owa, 49, 113 
7^^, 28, 99 

Sa-qp, 82 
5dAfpi', 82 
Sdvos, 143 
Oaavs, 115 
6ai/X6s, 1 15 
deoopKa, 15, 16 
OeiKw/Mi, 94, 104 
Sel^ts, 89 
beLTTVov, 104 
Of'^«, 94. 135 



B^Karos, 131 
SeKOfiaL, 167 
5e\<pvs, 19, 77, 100 
5e|£os, 89, 114 
oeos, 40 
Mpedpov, 99 
bixop-oLL, 167 
depKO/jLai, 15, 16 
didtroLva, 79, 114 
SecTrdrT^s, 63 
BrfKbw, 40 
5t5d(7/cw, 81 
didufXL, 143 
SiduffL, 79 
Sios, 47 
5t7raXros, II9 
5t7rXd(7£os, 119 
SoXtxds, 67, 07 
5oX^6?, 77, 100 
SoTT?/), 143 
5ot6s, 17, 143 

8paxff-V, 114 
dpOTrJTa, 62 
dpiKpaKTos, 119 
5[/cr-, 79 
8vaTT]vos, 56 

edyrfv, 112 
eacrt, 69 
eacraa, 70 
e^aXof, 15 
ejSTjre, 69 
eyp-qyopa,, 121 
e7XeXi;s, 27, 102 

67X05, 114 
6701, 27, 89, 131 
eywv, 89 
edei^a, 69 
eSet^at-, 69 
eSpaKov, 15 
eSos, 78, 82, 138 
edoTO, 143 
ieiKOcn, 1 14, 121 
e^p7a;, 65 
6^/5(777, 113, 122 
efo/ifli, 131 
c^6T0, 143 
e^os, 122 

e?, 115 

6150;', 87, 138 



ei'?;!/, 41 

ei'/foo-t, 63, 79, 131 
eiXey/xai, 135 
6l'X77, 115 

et^T^xa, 135 

ei'Xoxa, 135 

elfiai, 54 

e'lfiaprai, 121 

ei'/xeV, 54 

e(>t, 54, 113 

eljxL, 34 

eivdrepes, 69 

eiV(>,ut, 55 

€'nr6/j.r]v, 52 

eXwov, 121 

etpT/zca, 121, 135 

el'pw, 52 

els, 67 

eKarov, 15, 67, 176 

eKexeipla, 90, II9 

^(C')ra7Xos, 119 

eKTTodiov, 131 

iKTafxev, 70 

eKvpd, 179 

6Ki'pds, 27, 45, 51 

eXaiov, 49 

iXdcrcrcov, 42 

iXdrrovs, II5 

eXdTTojv, 42 

iXacppos, 61, 99, 113 

eXaxof, 70 

eXaxi'?, 42, 61, 99, ICO, 

106 
eX67e, 123 
iXevdepos, 36 
eXLTres, lOI 
eXLirov, TOO 
eXuos, 27, 47 
eX/vW, 67, 98, 139 
eXTTO}, 117 
ep-eiva, 56 
efievva, 56 
eixiyev, ill 

W', 54. "3 
e/Jifj.ope, 121 
efioXov, 62. 122 
6>oO, 131 
e/jLTTifnrXa/j.ei', 66 
epLTTodwi', 131 
V, 26 



Index. 



295 



e faros, 131 

tveyKeiv, 27 

eVei/xa, 55 

^vefj./j.a, 55 

evda, 25 

ewot, 122 

ivvia, 47, 70, 121 

eVveTre, lOl, 1 04 

'ivvvni, 45, 55, 92 

evos, 122 

?)/oy, 122 

e't, 48, 121 

(^ai^vrjs, II4 

e^(X7roi)S, 135 

i^v-rrepde, 57, 122 

-eiT-, 70 

?VT0S, 74 

fope?, 50 

eds, 47 

eoiKa, 121 

eTreo, 30, 10 1 

eTreai, 56 

eTreercri, 56 

eVi, 74, 120 

eTTijSSdi, 152 

eviaKOTros, I18 

eVoMaf, 19, 51, 52 

eVos, 97 

eTrpL6.fj.-qv, 98 

firrdf'zj, 67, 76, 118, 

eirvdofxrjv, 177 

eP7<"', 43. 90 
<p5w, 43 
e per/MOV, 81 
ipevyofxai, 97 
fPPee, 53 
eppuya, 1 6, 121 

f'P'^';, 113. 122 
epcTT?, 113 
ipvdp6s, 58, 59, 83 
epvofxai, 114 
-es, 27, 109 
etr^^z'at, 55 
eo-Me;/, 54 
eaaeve, 42 
eVr^, 182 
fcrretDTes, 112 
eo-Ti, 26, 27, 54, 79, 
ecrrriKa, 121 
eo-TT]!', 143 



179 



86 



etriJ, 131 
erafiov, 15 
erepos, 67 
ert, 117 
erds, 102 
eVos, 47, 79 
EvOvfios, 33 

ivVVTJTOS, 55 

evwdropa, 1 38 
einraTwp, 138 
e!)a;5^s, 1 44 
e(p67]p.ip.ipr)'i, 118 
e(/>o5o5, 73 
exO'Sou, 69, 98 
e'xri'OJ, 95 
e'xw, 90 
ew, 52 
ewpuv, 112 
ews, 115 

^ipedpov, 99 
ZeO Trarep, 112 
Zeus, 37, 40, III 
f^w, 45 
Z^<', 47 
^vyov, 32, 4S 

fi'M^. 54 
fwv??, 55 

^«, 52 
77660, 52 
Tjdecn, 130 
ij5op.aL, 54 
^St'^s, 48, 77 
^Atos, 36, 115 
•^t6leos, 31, 83 
7jKL(rTa, 41 
^^at, 131 
•^/Ae??, 52, 70, 131 
TJuepa, 122 

TJ^'-. 51 
rjfj.(pUcrixaL, 54 

riP-cplearai, 54 

^^ 135 

Tfvdov, 61 

•)70Lis, 115 

^Trap, 43, 65. 98, 132 

Tjaaojv, 41 

iflTTWV, 41 

7;cis, 46 



Oavetv, 70 
dapp^w, 60 
dapcreu}, 60 
^apcrcyoj, 119 
Bedfws, 80 
^e(;'w, 83, 97,99 
OeoTTpowos, 60, 90 
0ep/j.6s, 19, 96 
^erds, 143 
d-qaw, 28 
^^\us, 83 
e57p, 99 
dijadai, 83 
dXilSu, 74 
-6IX0-, 83 
OoXepos, 49 
epaiiw, 35 
-V-> 83 

dvOCTKOOS, 38, 56, 103 

eupa, 32, 165 
^iz/ids, 143 

iSet;', 87, 138 
iSto), 43 
idfiev, 118 
Z5os, 48 
idpws, 48 
ifp6s, 133 
'Iepo(r6Xi'/xa, 133 
i'fw, 138 

ifT7;Cit, 90, 121 

idapds, 143 
'i/xepos, 121 
'^os, 57 

foME^ 135 
iTTTrea, 1 12 
Itttt^ws, 112 

'tTTTTOtS, 35, III 

I'ttttos, 48, 90, 100 
i's, 31 

rcT^t, 58, 78, 79 

iadfios, 83 

?(TTE, 118 

'i(TTr]fJ.i, 121, 167 

icTTOS, 173 

tVaXrfs, 79 
tw/^ei', 135 

KttXcDs, 123 
/cdpa, 53, 64 



296 



Index. 



Kap8la, 65, 120 
KapKivos, 60 
Kapwos, 97 
KapraWo^, 59, 96 
KCKTcrvoj, 42, 43, 44 
KaTTiju, 42 
K^dpos, 120 
Keirai, 45 
K^K\o<pa, 130 
KeVrafpos, 114 
Kevrio}, 63, 114 
KivTwp, 119 
/cecrrds, 63 
Kevdw, 58 
K^p, 29 

KipKOS, 94 

/cXaSds, 67 

K\aiu, 41 

\'Xdw, 41 

^-^^os, 38, 78 

K\eTrT7]s, 76, 86 

/c\77is, 36, 97, 112 

K\ifia, 90 

KXivcJ, 89 

/cXi/fw, 87 

/cXC^t, 25 

kXvtos, 78, 89, 177 

/vXiyw, 38 

/cXcicrcw, 94 

foe'w, 37> 38, 56, 103 

Ko'7X'7, 21, 106 

KOlKlWo}, 35 
KOKKV^, 97 

/coXwvds, 61 

KOOt, 30 

Kopi?, 49 

/cocr/cuX/xdrta, 121 
Koipi), 49 
Kpadi-T], 65, 120 
Kpalvw, 97 
Kparvs, 86 
Kp-qwls, 60 

KpiKOS, 94 

KpvpSrjv, 118 

KpVTTTU}, 118 

KTavelv, 70 
KTeLvu}, 41, 113 
Krivvui, 113 
KV^epvav, 120, 171 
/cu/cXos, 19, 98 



KVITTU), 74 

Kvados, 58 

ATUTOS, 21, 94 
KVWV, 91 

Kunnj, 100 
KiJjpa, 49 

Xaos, 34 
XetTTW, 98 
Xe^X'^) 61, 92 
\eXoyxa, "JO 
XiovTa, 135 
Xe'xos, 96 
Xewi/, 134, 135 

XW^^., 54 

Xi-yupos, 32 

X^Tra, 167 

XiTTvpla, 119 

Xd/ce, 125 

Xi^/cov, 123 

XiJkos, 67, 98, 124, 125 

fxadelv, 83 
peVs, 27, 92 
p.6^1/, 78 
p.€i5idoij, 54 
fiel^'ovos, 127 
p.ei^ovs, 127 
^eifw, 52 
fiel^ojv, 127 
/xe/x/3XwKa, 62, 122 

Mffo"-. 53 

fxecrrjfMJBpta, 122 

p.eaos, 42, 61 

p.ecFcro's, 42 

ixerd, 182 

fX7]Kiri, 131 

M^»"7, 29, III 

^(tt, 123 

fjiiyviifiL, 91 

Mtff^ds, 58, 87, 113, 173 

p,^'a, 114 

MJ^do^ai, 73, 99 

yudXi/3os, 63 

p.dXii/35os, 63 

fiopyvvfjii, 114 

fiop/jLoXi'iTTo/xai, 59 

p.6pp.opos, 59 

pLOp/J.Vp(j}, 121 

MI'Xt?, 30 



MI'S, 33 

fivarripiov, 1 33 
fiQvv^, 123 

^^aDs, 36 
v^Kvs, 149 
"^Atos, 139 
I'eM'^, 27, 139 
j/eos, 27, 63 
v^TToBes, 72 
vifppos, 99 
J/eo;, 28, 55 
j'ecD;', 112 
y^ay, 70 
vrjTrios, 48 
;'777r(;rios, 48 
j'Tjcrcra, 69, 86 
j'/fw, 42 
vlirrpov, 19 
vLtttuj, 42 
vt'^a, 102 
vvKTa, 118 

j-i^t, 30> 103 
vuds, 52, 55 
ydx^' 6X??j', 1 18 

^t0oy, 57 

67/cos, 30 

o5/i4 54, 82, 1 14 

65ofT-, 68 

656?, 82, 131 

d5o(;s, 132 

5fo9, 87 

oI5a, 87, 124, 138 

olSe, 40, 124 

oi'/cot, 126 

oTkos, 88 

oti/^, 47 

orj/os, 47 

o'iofiai, 64 

otos, 47 

6'ts, 47, 115 

oZo-^a, 79, 106, 173, 182 

o^w^'ds, 30, 64 

OKTlb, 29, 78 

SXk'os, 67, 139 
oWvfju, 61 
dXoXi'fw, 32 
6X0S, 49, 113 



Index. 



297 



bfiix^w, 95, 114 
o>Mci, 73. lOl 
Ofj.bp'/vvfjiL, 114 
6fi<f)a\6s, 30, 72 
ovivrj/xi, 30, 121 
ovofxa, 70 
ovofiaai, 70 
OKiif, 21, 30, 100 
OTrdo;*', 149 
oinadev, 131 
dirds, 73 
opeKTOs, 86 
o/)^6s, 48, 66, 83 

OpITT]^, 121 

6p<pavbs, J^. 
8s, 47 

oo"/^-^, 54 

oVcre, lOI 

oCflap, 33, 65, 83, 132 

ovKeri, 131 

o&Xos, 49, 113, 118, 122 

oweA'a, 42 

oSs, 39 

ourw, 123 

6<ppa, 1 22 

o'xos, 88 

iratTrdXT;, 121 

irais, 1 1 5 

irapdevos, II9 

TTttS, 90 

irdcra, 42 

TrdcrcraXos, 90 

irariofMai, 85 

Trar^pa, 1 38 

7raT7?p, 17, 25, 138, 177, 

178, 179, 180 
Trdros, 167 
Trarpdai, 15, I38 
irdrpLOS, 42 
irarpos, 138 
vavpos, 35, 59 
Traxi^s, 92 
tt^Stj, 42 

'^^i'a. 152 
Trends, 42 
7re^6iw, 83, 88 

TT^KW, 94 

ttAw, 98 
Trifxire, 1 30 



TT^/ZTTTOJ, 130 

TrefxcPprjbdjv, 121 
ireudepds, 27, 80, 177 
irivre, 26, 104 

iriTrXex^-i 1 30 
niwoLda, 35, 74 
TreTTTOs, 98 
iriirwv, lOI 
TrepLir\op.^vuiv, 98 
iripvcTi, 119 
Treffau, 27, 42 
Trero/Mai, 72 
neTTW, 42 
TTfcparai, 24 
■jrevdo/xai, 36, 73, 85 
Trriyvvfii, 91 
TT^Xfo-'j 130 
TT^Xi'S. S9 

TTf^t, 31 
TTl^OS, 83 
TTlKpOS, 88 

Trt^/HToj, 32, 119 

TriwTCi}, 121 

Tr\e?aros, 34 
TrXe/cw, 130 
trXew, 27 
ttAoi/ctios, 79 
TTo'Sa, 29, 152 

TToSaTTOS, 98 

TToSes, 72 

TTOlKlXoS, 88 

iroivrj, 98 
TToXe^tos, 74 
TToXecrt, 130 
TroK-qL, 124 
TToXts, 51, 74, 131 
ttoXItt]!', 135 
7ro\lTT]s, 135 

TTOXO?, 98 
TToXu, 124 

IIoXi'Sei'KTjs, 1 17 
Trop<pvpM, 121 
TTocri, 79 

TTOO-iS, 119 

TToaai, 79 

7roVe/30S, 20, 80, 100 

TTOUS, 133 

■n-pdaov, 52, 59 
■n-pffffivs, 99 
7rpe(T7i;s, 99 



irpoadev, 131 
Trrdpuvfxai, 57 
WT€\(T], 74 
VTfpis, 74 
TTTepov, 132 
■KTepva, 51, 74 

TTTlCTCrUJ, 56, 74 
TTToXf/JiOS, 74 
TTToAtS, 51, 74 
TTTUOJ, 41, 74 

TTvOeadai, 85 
■Kvep.r}v, 73, 74 

TTlJ^W, 33 

TTwoa^, 73 
Hi'ppos, 120, 171 
irQ/xa, 30 

TTtDs, 152 

paivci}, 79 
pat^ S3 

P". 33 
p^fw, 43, 65 
priyvvfjiL, 16 
P'7os, 53 
po'^. S3 

pOWTOS, 88 

/30(/>^aj, 53 
pvop.a.1, 1 14 
/Diio-ts, 53 

a^€vvvp.i, 58 
a-^jSofiai, 74 
ff€p.v6s, 74 
creOe, 42 
(TKairdvy], 1 68 
cKiiTTOixai, 73 
crKid, 94 
aKirpos, 57 
aKoirebi, 73 
ap,€pSa\eos, 54 
cnrapvbs, 56 
o-TTft'Sw, 37, 57 
(T7r^Xii7^, 120 
(TttiSt^s, 82 
aTr\-qv, 54 

(TTTOl/OTJ, 37 

crrdirts, 143 
o-raris, 143 
crT^7w, 123, 149 
o-Tei'xw, 96 



298 



Index. 



aTif/.jiu. 80 
arifKpvXov, 80 
aropw/xi, 112 

ffTpibvVVfXl, 112 

arpwrbs, 66 
(TV, 79, 119 
(T(pdXK(j}, 106 
a(p6yyos, 123 
trXTjcrw, 90 
trX'fw, 78, 82, 106 
"ZiaKpaTrj. 134 
^^w'v'pa.TTj;', 134, 135 
ZwKpdTr]S, 135 

TciXayTOJ', 67 
rafxelv, 70 
rar/,^ 1 1 5, 1 24 
Ta!'!y7Xu;(T(roj, 68 
Tdo-is, 139 
Tarbs, 15, 70 
ravpos, 114 
rduip, 115 
re, 15, 96 
redyjTi, 80, 1 19 
Tedfjios, 80 
TedpLTTirov, 79 
TfiVw, 15, 77, 139 
Terxoj, 79, 119 
TeK/xijacTa, 1 14 
reKTwv, 91 
reXcrot', 61 
re/uvw, 15 
reds, 47 
T€pcro/xai, 60 
T€Tpo<pa, 167 
rerrapes, 48, 1 04 
TidTjfxi, 80, 143 
Tldrfffi, 79 
ri/u.du}, 40 

TtS, 19, 100 
TiS, 42 

Tt'tris, 98 

TO, 78 
TOt, 34, 40 

Toro, 41, 1 14 

Torxos, 79, 95 
r6\fj.a, 67 
TOM'^, 15 

TcJj', 62 
TOvdopi'i'W, I 2 I 

TOWS, 15, 139 



Toys, 63, 113 
TOpVVTJ, 65 
-TOS, 182 
TOUS, 63, 113 

TpaTrej'a, 48 
rpeh, 34, 115 
Tpewo}, 167 
rpexw, 103, 106 
Tplp-fxa, 74 

TpLTdTOS, 131 

tu^t;, 79 

TUTTTO!, 41 

rvpavvos, 122 
Tuit', 115 

TU!S, 63 

{'77ejUos, 62 

iryiTjs, 88 

i'7pds, 102 

vdwp, 66 

u/iets, 40, 52, 70, 131 

iiwepcpiaXos, 48 

Pttcos, 46 

I'TTO, 74, 120 

varepa, 79 
iKpaivio, 88 
v(pos, 88 

(^aeivo's, 55 

(paivvbs, 55 

(paivuj, 114 

0dXa7^, 77 

(pdais, 79 

0dTis, 79 

0e>/3w, 74 

</)epe, 125 

Repeal, 52 

(piperai, 124 

(pepovTa, 78 

^6^^,27,31,124,125.139 

^7?70's, 65, 76, 143 

0^7/5. 99 

^^ei'pw, 41, 113 
(peippui, 113 
(piXew, 40 
(piXofifieidrj?, 54 
(plvraTos, 6 1 
0'Tiy, 33 
(pXeyu, 27 
<;iXt/3w, 74 



^wos, 19, 70, 97, 99 
0op^?), 165 
0opew, 115 
0op6s, 139 
(popuj, 115 
9ipao-i, 70, 130 
(ppdrrjp, 26, 178, 180 
^^peo-', 70, 130 
<ppov5os, 73 
$pi;76s, 171 
(pvXXov, 30 
^iw, 33, 40, 73, 165 
<pj}p, 31 

Xatos, 58 
Xti'PW, 64 
Xa-fJ-ai, 90 
Xo-vddvu}, 98 
XO.pieaTfpo's, 63 
XapTos, 04 
Xetd, 92 
XetXtoi, 54 
Xeip, 90^ 
Xeip-epivoi, 59 
Xe^^'Oi, 54 
XepJ't'/', 98 
Xf'w, 93, 165 
X^". 95 
xOes, 42 
X^'^v, 90 
X'Xia, 68 
XiXiot, 54 
Xtw!', 90 
XXaii'a, 122 
xXwpos, 67, 103 
XdXos, 103, 165 
Xop5^, 92 

XOpTOi, 92 

XPeM'fw, 79, 103 
Xpi'w, 102 

xpi 135 
xpv", 135 

XpoMOs, 79 
X'^pa, 34. 124 

^TJ<pOS, 56 

^idvpos, 119 
w, 52 

WKVS, 132 

ciXecT/, 31, 61 

W;UOS, 55, 121 



Index. 



299 



ab, 74, 120, 134 
abbatem, 120 
abduco, 74 
absorpsi, 88 

ac, loi, 117 
acetiuii, 120 
accipio, 132 
accipiter, 132 
acies, 26, 44, 94 

ad, 31 
adigo, 25 

aedes, 11, 77, 143 
aeneus, 33, 113, 116 
aequalis, 59 
aequus, 47 
aes, 43, 44 
aestatc-m, 131 
aevum, 47 
agellus, 117 
ager, 25, 117 
agger, 82, 118 
agite, 26, 27 
agmen, 91 
agnus, 74, 98 
ago, 25, 64 
agrestis, 119 
Agrigentum, 120 
agunt, 69 
aio, 43, 92 
ala, 54 
albus, 26 
alioquin, 1 17 
alnus, 55 
amb-, 64 
ames, 112, 116 
amet, 112 
amnis, 75 
amphora, llS 
ampulla, 118 
amurca, 120 
anas, 69, 86 
ancus, 120 
anfractus, 63 
ango, 63 
anguilla, 27, 102 
anguis, 102 
anguUis, 120 
animal, 112 



Latin. 

animalis, 112 

annus, 55 

anser, 95 

ante, 31, 134 

antestari, 119 

aper, 76 

aperio, 74 

apud, 82, 120 

aput, 120 

aqua, 104 

arbiter, 82 

arbor, 130, 1 31 

arbos, 130 

arcesso, 82 

arcus, loi 

arduus, 48, 66, 80, 83 

argentum, 91 

armus, 66 

arquitenens, 101 

ars, 112 

arvum, 49 

as, 81 

ascia, 57 

asinus, 52, 1 81 

asporto, 75 

atque, loi, 117 

attingo, 25 

attub, 81 

audeo, 1 17 

audio, 43 

augeo, 35, 96 

autumo, 64 

Aurelius, 181 

auris, 37 

auspex, 49 

avidus, 1 17 

avis, 30, 64 

axilla, 54 

axis, 25 

balbus, 120 
-bam, 48, 52 
barba, 74, 165 
batuere, 165 
bellum, 48 
bimus. 92, 116 
bis, 48 
bitumen, 97 



-bio-, 83 
•bo, 48 
bonus, 48 
bos, 97, 102 
brevis, 102 
-bro-, 83 
burrus, 120 

cado, 56 

caecus, 35 

caedo, 33, 82 

caelum, 35, 59 

caementum, 82 

caeruleus, 59 

caesaries, 52, 181 

caesius, 82 

calamitas, 82 

calciata, 133 

camena, 54 

cancer, 60, 119 

canis, 91 

cannabis, 174 

cano, 100 

casa, 52 

cassus, 56 

castigare, 168 

causa, 52 

caussa, 52 

caveo, 38, 56, 103 

cavus, 30 

cedrus, 120 

cena, 33, 60 

census, 63 

cento, 85 

centum, 67 

cerebrum, 53, 55, 56, 65 

cerno, 59 

cernuus, 55 

cerus, 97 

cette, 81, 117 

circus, 94 

citrus, 120 

clamor, 112 

clamoris, 112 

Claudius, 35 

claudo, 35, 36, 112 

clavis, 36, 97 

clepere, 76 



;oo 



Index. 



clino, 89 
clitellae, 89 
clivus, 90 
cloaca, 37, 87 
Clodius, 35 
cluaca, 37 
clueo, 38, 78 
coctus, 98 
coegi, 116 
cognatus, 122 
cogo, 116 
collis, 61 
collum, 30, 61 
colo, 98, lOI 
communis, I So 
como, 116 
compsi, 122 
concussi, 81 
confectus, 25 
conflaie, 168 
congius, 21, 106 
conivere, 122 
contra, 62 
coquo, 27, 42, lOl 
cor, 65, 123 
corylus, 30 
costa, 133 
coxa, 100 
crates, 59, 96 
creare, 97 
crebesco, 119 
crebresco, 119 
credo, 82 
crepida, 60 
cretam, 168 
cribrum, 83 
cubo, 74 
cuculus, 97 
cudo, 103 
culina, 54 
cum, 62, loi 
-cunque, 122 
cupa, 112 
cuppa, 112 
cura, 181 
curare, 181 
custos, 58 
cutis, 21, 94, 165 

damnum, 75 



daps, 75 
dare, 181 
dator, 138 
datus, 17, 143 
decern, 70, 94 
decet, 26 
decimus, 70 
decus, 91 
dedi, 143 
dego, ir6 
delenio, 28 
delinio, 28 
dens, 68 
densus, 115 
denuo, 37, 47 
dexter, 89 
Diana, 122 
die, 117 
dice re, 104 
dicis, 149 
dico, 34, 94 
dictio, 89 
didici, 107 
diem, 47 
Diespiter, 122 
dignus, 26, 91 
diluo, 53 
dimoveo, 54 
dinumero, 55 
diribeo, 92 
diruo, 53 
dis-, 92 
disco, 81 
diutius, 41 
divide, 83 
divus, 47 
dodrans, 117 
donum, 143 
dorsum, 60 
Dossenus, 60 
dossum, 60 
douco, 117 
ducere, 165 

ecus, loi 
ego, 89 

elementum, 107 
elephantus, 107 
-em, 70 
•ent, 70 



eo, 34 

equam, 112 

equi, 101 

equo(d), 123 

equos, 63, loi, 1 13 

equus, 48, 50, 100, 10 1, 

106 
eram, 52, 181 
ero, 52 
errare, 60 
eso, 52 
est, 26 
esus, 85 
et, 117 
eum, 62 
eundem, 62 
ex, 91 
examen, 91 
exemplar, 117 
exemplare, 117 
exemplaris, 59 
exemplum, 122 

facio, 25, 28 
fagus, 65, 76, 143 
fallere, 131 
fallo, 49 
famul, 117 
famulus, 117 
far, 59, 123 
fariolus, 92 
fastidium, 81 
fastigium, 60 
fastus, 81 
fel, 103, 165 
felare, 83 
femina, 83 
femur, 132 
fendo, 83 
ferlseo, 49 
ferens, 81 
ferentem, 78 
fero, 27, 139 
ferre, 59 
ferunt, 69 
ferveo, 49 
fessus, 81 
fetus, 28 
fibula, 102 
fidelia, 83 



Index. 



;oi 



fides, 83 
fido, 34 
fidus, 35, Z-:, 
figo, 102 

figura, 79, 95 
findo, 76 

fi'igo, 79. 95 
filius, 30 
fio, 73 
fivo, 102 
flagro, 27 
flamen, 82 
flavus, 67, 103 
fligo, 74 
flos, 31 
fluo, 102 
fluvius, 102 
fodio, 74, S3 
foedus, 35 
foetus, 28 
folium, 30 
forceps, 63 
foris, 165 
formonsus, 70 
formosus, 70 
formus, 19, 96 
fors, 139 
fovea, 92 

fi'-iga, 53 
frango, 95 
frater, 26 
fraus, 82 
fraxinus, 65, 76 
fremo, 79, 103 
frendo, 79 
frigus, 53 
frio, 102 
fruor, 102 
frustra, 82 
frustum, 35 
frux, 102 
fudit, 37 
fiii, 73> 165 
fulvus, 103 
fundo, 52, 93 
fundus, 73 
funebris, 53 
funestus, 53 
fungus, 123 
funus, 53 



fur, 31 
fusus, 52, 56 

gaudeo, 36, 112 
gavisus, 112 
gelu, 103 
gemma, 27 
gener, 118 
generis, 52, 1 81 
genu, 95, 165 
genu in us, 50, 132 
genus, 89 
gerebam, iSl 
gero, 82 
gessi, 56 
gigno, 121 
gilbus, 49 
gilvus, 49, 50, 103 
glaber, 83 
glans, 102 
glocire, 94 
gluten, 35 

gradus, 87, lOO, 177 
granien, 92 
granum, 66, 95 
gravis, 64, 98, 131 
gressus, 56 
gubernare, 17 1 
giiberno, 120 
gula, 67. 102 
gurges, 65 
gurgulio, 119, 121 
gusto 32, 36, 90 
gutta, 165 

habeo, 92, 172 
habet, 106 
haedus, 33, 95 
haesi, 56 
hariolus, 92 
haruspex, 92 
hasta, 58, 82, 165 
baud, 120 
hausi, 52 
haut, 120 
hedus, 33 
hei, 34 

helvus, 49, 50, 103 
hemo, 68, 90 
-hend-, 70 



hcrba, 74, 165 
heri, 42, 43 
hcu, 36 
hibernus, 59 
bienis, 90 
hoc, llS 
homines, 118 
homo, 68, 90 
homuUus, 61 
honor, 130 
honos, 130 
hordeum, 58 
horior, 64 
hortor, 64 
hortus, 92 
hospes, 30, 117 
humerus, 121 
humilis, 122 
humus, 90, 131 

idem, 58 
idus, 143 
ignarus, 90, 122 
ignis, 69 
ignosco, 90, 122 
ilico, 30, 63 
ille, 81 
illis, 112 
in, 26, 68 
incendere, 133 
incertus, 59 
incinere, 133 
includo, 35 
inclytus, 78, 89 
inde, 25 
indu, 32 
infensus, 83 
ingens, 90 
inguen, 99 
inquam, 104 
inquilinus, 98 
inquiro, 33 
insece, loi 
insectiones, 10 1 
insequc, lOl, 104 
insexit, loi 
insilio, 25 
insulto, 25 
inter, 64 
intus, 26 



302 



Index. 



ipse, 8i 
is, 8i, 124 
istarum, 115 
iste, 81 
isti, 34 
istiul, 81 
istum, 78 
iter, 131 
itineris, 131 

janitrices, 69 

Janus, 122 

jecur, 43, 65, 98, loi, 132 

Jovis, 43 

jubeo, 83 

juga, 124 

jugum, 32, 45 

Jupiter, 122 

Juppiter, 112 

jus, 54, 83 

jussi, S3 

juvencus, 50, 91 

juvo, 49 

labium, 72, 77 

lac, 122, 123 

lacrima, 32, 82 

lacruma, 32 

laena, 122 

lambo, 72 

lana, 46, 47, 67, 122 

langueo, 54, 123 

largus, 67, 97 

lassus, 82 

latus. Si, 122 

legito(d), 123 

leo, 134 

levir, 82 

levis, 34, 61, 99, 102, 

liber, 36 
libet, 32, 77 
liceri, 118 
Ijen, 54, 92 
lingo, 61, 92 
lingua, 68, 92 
linguo, 92 
linquis, lOI 
linquo, 98, 104, 106 
liquiritia, 122 



lis, 54, 81 
litera, 112 
littera, 112 
locus, 54, 81 
longinquus, 98 
lubet, 32, 77 
lucrum, 119 
lucus, 37 
luna, 55 
lupum, 123 
lupus, 67, 98 

maereo, 33 
magis, 92 
magnus, 27, 92 
major, 92 
majora, 52 
majores, 115 
malus, 82 
mancipium, 25 
mancupium, 25 
mari(d), 123 
marmor, 119 
Marpor, 117 
Matuta, 34 
medius, 43, 61 
medix tuticus, 26 
meio, 95 
mel, 123 
membrum, 53 
mendax, 182 
mens, 149 
mensis, 56 
mentiri, 182 
meopte, 117 
mergo, 78 
mergus, 58 
migro, 102 
mihi, 92 
milia, 68 
miluus, 32 
milvus, 31 
mina, 114 
Minerva, 53 
mingo, 95, 114 
ministerium, 133 
mirus, 54 
misceo, 91 
misi, 56 
mola, 30 



momordi, 107 
moneam, 1 1 6 
moneo, 43, 116, 149 
monete, 116 
monile, 30 
monstrum, 2>T) 
mordeo, 54, 123 
morior, 122 
mors, 64 
mortuus, 30 
mulgeo, 1 14 
mulsi, 91 
murmur, 121 
mus, 2,1, 
muto, 35 

nanciscor, 27 

naris, 53, 181 

narro, 91, 122 

nascor, 52, 91 

nasus, 52 

natus, 122 

naufragus, 112 

naves, 70 

navis, 36 

navus, 91 

nebrundines, 99, 103 

nee, loi 

nefrones, 99, 103 

nemo, 92, 116 

nempe, loi 

nemus, 139 

neo, 112 

nepos, 73 

neptis, 73 

neque, loi 

neu, 117 

neve, 117 

nex, 149 

nidus, 31, 58, 109, 113, 

173 

ninguit, I02 

niter, 102 

nivem, 102 

nix, 123 

nixus, 91 

nobis, 58 

noceo, 149 
I noctibus, 26 
' nodus, 30 



Index. 



303 



nomen, 70 
nongenti, 91 
nosco, 91, 122 
novem, 47, 70 
novis, 27, 63 
nox, 30, 103 
nudus, 102 
nuncupo, 63 
nundinae, 49 
nuntius, 117 
nuper, 117 
nurus, 51, 52, 55 
nutrix, 119 

ob, 74, 118, 120 
obedio, 35 
obsessus, 27 
obsideo, 26 
obtineo, 74 
octavus, 38 
octo, 29, 89 
oculus, loi, 105 
odor, 82, 144 
offendimentum, 27 
offendix, 80, 87, 177 
offendo, 97 
oleo, 82 
oleum, 49 
oloes, 35 
olivum, 49 
omnes, 118 
omnis, 75, I18 
omitto, 54 
-onsus, 70 
operio, 74 
opes, 118 
opilio, 74 

ops, 75 
orbus, 74 
OS, 81, 123 
ostendo, 75 
-osus, 70 
oves, 130 
ovis, 47 

paciscor, 90 
paenitet, 33 
palus, 91 
pango, 91 
parcus, 56 



paro, 25 

parra, 33 

parreie, 33 

parricidiuni, 33 

pasco, 91 

pastum, 91 

pateo, 27, 165 

pater, 17, 138 

patres, 130 

paucus, 35 

paulus, 35, 59 

paxillus, 91 

peccare, 118 

pecco, 81 

pecto, 94 

pecu, 125 

pecus, 104 

pedem, 152 

pelegrinus, 59 

penna, 27, 55, 81, 132 

peregrinus, 59 

perendie, 62 

perna, 51, 55, 74 

pernix, 51 

pertica, 1 20 

pertingo, 120 

pes, 81, 118 

peto, 72 

piaclum, 119 

pictura, 88 

pilum, 63 

pinguis, 92 

pinso, 56, 74 

placeo, 91 

placo, 91 

plaustrum, 35 

plostrum, 35 

pluit, 27 

plumbum, 63 

pluralis, 1 19 

plus, 34 

poculum, 1 14 

polleo, 66 

polliceri, 118 

Pollux, 117 

por, 118 

porous, 91 

porrum, 52, 59 

portus, 66 

posco, 60, 89, 91 



postulo, 91 
potis, 30, 119 
prae, 33, 49, 60 
praebeo, 92, 116 
praeco, 49 
praeda, 98, 123 
praelum, 28 
praestigiae, 60 
precor, 60, 76, 89 
prehendo, 33, 98 
prchcnsus, 122 
prelum, 28, 54 
prendo, 92 
prensus, 122 
primus, 54 
princeps, II7 
Procilius. 107 
procax, 60 
Proculus, 107 
procus, 90 
promo, 116 
promus, 116 
prope, loi 
prorsus, 117 
-pte, 81 
puer, 49 
pulcer, 91 
pulcher, 91 
pumex, 123 
pupugi, 107 
puleo, 33 

quadra, 120 
(juadrans, 117 
quaere, 33 
quaeso, 52 
quam, 62 
quamdiu, 62 
quartus, 48, 81 
quattuor, 104, 105 
(|uatuor, 48 
((ue, 15, 96 
([ucrcus, 65 
f|uerquerus, 121 
c|uicquam, 81 
quldquam, 81 
quin, 117 
Quinctius, 41 
quinque, 26, 104 
(^uintius, 41 



304 



Index. 



quippe, loi 
quiritare, i68 
quis, 1 8, 19, 100 
quispiam, loi 
quisquiliae, 12 1 
quod, 124 
quom, loi 

radix, 47 

rado, 82 

rallum, 82 

ramentum, 82 

recte, 167 

recupero, 25 

rectus, 86 

red-, 32 

rego, 117 

rei, 112 

remus, 81 

repperi, 121 

reppuli, 117 

res, 45 

(res) reprimenda, 134 

robigo, 37 

rota, 85 

ruber, 58, 59, 83 

rubigo, 37 

ructo, 97 

rudis, 165 

rufus, 37, 58, 83 

russus, 58 

Sabini, 75 
sabulum, 56 
saeclum, 81 
saeculum, 33 
salio, 25 
Samninm, 75 
sapio, 73 
satin, 55 
satus, 17 
saxum, 94 
scabellum, 75 
scabo, 168 
scala, 54, 81 
scamnum, 75 
scando, 54, 81 
scapres, 168 
scidi, 121 
scindo, 78, 82, 106 



se, 47 
secerno, 59 
secius, 41 
sectius, 41 
seculum, 33 
secuntur, loi 
sedeo, 26, 60, 78, 82, 
sedi, 121, 138 
segnis, 58 
selibra, 1 17 
sella, 82, 138 
semel, 67, 107, 114 
semen, 28, 90 
senienstris, 54 
semestris, 119 
semi-, 51 
senex, 122 
seni, 55 

septem, 67, 70, 76 
Septimus, 70 
septingenti, 91, 120 
sequere, 30, loi 
sequitur, loi 
sequius, 41 
sequontur, loi 
sequor, 19, 43, 51, 

loi, 104 
sequuntur, loi 
sero, 31, 52 
sesceni, 91 
sesqui-, 63, 1 17 
sestertius, 117 
setius, 41 
seu, 27, 49 
sex, 48, 51, 89 
siccus, 81 
Sicilia, 107 
Siculus, 107 
sido, 58 
siem, 41 
sies, 41 

silicernium, 60 
silva, 32 
silvestris, 119 
simplex, 68, 1 14 
simul, 68 
sin, 117 
sinciput, 117 
singularis, 1:9 
singuli, 68 



singulus, 114 

sirenips, 117 

sirempse, 118 

sisto, 121 

sitis, 81 

sobrinus, 53 
I'^S socer, 27, 45 

societas, 30 

socius, 43, loi 

sol, 36 

solium, 82 

sollus, 49, iiS, 122 

solum, 82 

somnus, 46, 75 
sons, 69 
sonticus, 86 
sopor, 75 
sorbeo, 53 
sorex, 51 

soror, 48, 50, lOi 
specio, 73, 92 
spelunca, 120 
spissus, 82 
spopondi, 121 
spuma, 123 
68. spuo, 41, 74, 77 
stamen, 143 
Stat, 116 
statio, 143 
Stella, 59 
sterno, 59 
sternuo, 57 
steti, 121 
stipendium, 119 
sto, 43, 116 
strata, 174 
stratus, 66 
striga, 60 
studeo, 37, 57 
suasi, Si 
suavis, 48, 77 
sub, 74, 120, 122 
subtemen, 54 
subtilis, 28 
sudor, 43, 48 
suinus, 31 
sulcus, 67 
sum, 117 
sumpsi, 55 
sumus, 117 



Index. 



305 



sunt, 69 
suo, 42, 43, 44 
super, 57, 122 
surgo, 117 
surimo, 1 18 
susurrus, 52 
suus, 47 

taediinn, 81 
tango, 25 
Tecumessa, 114 
tego, 123, 149, 165 
tela, 28 
templum, 122 
temporis, 30 
tendo, 77, 139 
tenebrae, 53 
teneo, 53 
tentus, 70 
tenuis, 49, 50, 68 
tero, 59 
terra, 131 
tertius, 86 
texQ, 91 
tibi, 74 
tilia, 74 
logo, 149 
tolero, 67 
tollo, 118 
tongeo, 113 
tongere, 64 
tone, 139 
topper, 81 
torreo, 60 
tostus, 60 
tot, 117 
totidem, 117 
touto, 26 
tres, 34, 116 
trivi, 59 
trua, 65 
trucidare, 119 
tu, 79, 119 
tuli, 67, 121 
turtur, 119 
tuus, 47 



liber, 33, 65, 83 

u(g)vidus, 102 

ulcus, 27, 47 

ulna, 31, 6 1 

ulula, 32 

umbilicus, 72 

umbo, 30, 72 

umeo, 102 

umerus, 55 

uncia, 30 

uncus, 30 

unda, 47 

ungo, loi 

unguis, 21, 30, 100, 

106 
unguo, loi 
unus, y^, 47 
upilio, 49 
urceus, 100 
urgeo, 65 
urna, 100 
ursus, 65, 89 
uter, 80 
uterus, 80 
utpote, 117 

valde, 117 

validus, 117 

vas, 27 

vasuni, 181 

vates, 86 

vegeo, 88 

veho, 54, 88, 92 

velle, 61 

vellus, 46, 47, 123 

velum, 54, 92 

Venafrum, 83 

venia, 30 

venio, 19, 41, 43, 50, 62, 

68, loi, 122 
venor, 83 

ventus, 29, 66, 112 
verbum, S3 
vergo, 65 
verres, 47 



verro, 65 
verto, 30, 85 
verum, 62 
verumtamcn, 62 
vescor, loi 
vespa, 77, 120 
vester, 30 
vestigium, 96 
vestio, 46 
vestis, 92 
veto, loi 
vetulus, 81 
vetus, 47, 79 
vexillum, 92 
viceni, 63, 81 
vicensimus, 81 
vicus, 88 
videmus, 130 
viden, 55 
video, 87 
videre, 138 
vides, 130 
vidua, 31 
viduus, 83 
vigeo, 96 
viginti, 120 
vincere, 182 
vir, 31, 82, 109 
virus, 51 
vis, 31 
viscum, 57 
visus, 138 
vitulus, 79 
vituperare, 119 
vivos, 30, 47, 50, 96 
vivus, loi, 122 
vixi, 96 
voco, 49, 97 
volup, 117 
volupe, 117 
vorare, 98 
voro, 65 
vorto, 30, 85 
voster, 30 
vulva, 46 



U 



3o6 



Index. 



abbod, I 20 

ac, 113 
acsian, 120 

ad, 33, 77, 143 
affenian, 77 

alr"^ 55 
ar, 44 
ascian, 120 
ast, 77 
awa, 47 
rened, 69, 86 
recer, 25, 126 
SgSer, 132 
ajw, 47 

balca, 77 
ban-, 1 39 
bead, 37 
beadu, 165 
beard, 74, 165 
bece, 76 
bed, 74, 83 
beodan, 73 
beom, 55, 131 
beon, 73, 165 
beorce, 65, 76 
beorht, 120 
beot, 116 
ber, 125 
beran, 27, 1 38 
bere, 60, 125 
berende, 78 
bet, 113 
biddan, 88 
bindan, 27, 80, 87 
birce, 76 
bire5', 125 
bisceop, 118 
bitan, 76 
blostma, 31 
blovvan, 44 
boc, 76, 143 
bog, 89 
boh, 89 
botm, 73 
brea, 116 
brecan, 95 
breht, 120 



Anglo-Saxon. 

breotan, 82 
breSer, 26 
br55or, 26 
briican, lOO, 108 
brycg, 108 
brycS, 108 
buan, 73 
burg, 108 
byrig, 108 
byrst, 60 

caru, 25 

ceac, 109 

ceald, 100 

cealf, 19, 77 

cearu, 25, 109 

ceas, 139, 179 

cec, 109 

ceole, 67, 102 

ceosan, 36, 90, 1 08, 139, 

179 
clegan, 44 
ciesS, 108 
cinn, 50 
clwg, 35 
cnawan, 90 
cneo, 95, III, 165 
corn, 95 
cii, 97 

cuman, 50, 68, loi 
cumen, 105 
cunnan, 90 
curon, 139, 179 
cu6, 90 
cwen, 29 
cwene, 99 
cweorn, 105 
cwedan, 102 
cwic, 47, 96, 122 
cwicu, 47 
cwidu, 97 
cwitJ, 99 
cynn, 52, 89 
cyrnel, 66 
cyssan, 32, 90 

dag, 79, 95 
dagas, 57 



dagon, 62 
dagum, 62 
dad, 28, 143 
dage, 126 
diC'l, 33 
dghter, 108 
deman, 31, 44, 108 
dis-, 49 
do, 143 

dohtor, 108, 109 
dol, 49 

dom, 31, 108, 143 
dream, 97 
durran, 60 
duru, 165 

Sa, 78 
Sa, 34 
Sat, 78 
(5eah, 96 
Seccan, 165 
0gnnan, 139 
Seed, 26 
Sohte, 64, 113 

Sri, 34 
Sridda, 86 
Sgne, 62 
Solian, 67 
Suma, 122 
tSunor, 122, 139 
Swiril, 65 
Synne, 50, 68 
Syrst, 60 

eac, 96 

eacen, 96 

cage, 105, 109 

eahta, 29, no, 126 

eald, 108 

eare, 37 

earm, 66, no 

earnian, 56 

eax, 25, 57 

eaxl, 54 

eced, 120 

|cg, 26, 44, 94 

age, 109 

ehi, 61 





Index. 




307 


code, 43 


gat, 95 


hela, 29 




eofor, 76 


gealla, 103, 164 


helpan, 76 




Eoforwic, 76 


gearn, 92 


heorte, 29, 65 




eoh, 48, 50 


geat, 37 


her, 29 




eolh, no 


geboren, 139 


h^re, 108 




com, 55 


gecoren, 139 


hgrige, 114 




eorcan{stan), 91 


gellc, 112 


hichra, 108 




eowestrc, 119 


genumen, 32, 139 


hierde, 118 




eovvu, 47 


geoc, 32, 45 


hiewS, 35 




esne, 55 


geolo, 50 


hlaw, 90 






geolu, 130 


hlaf, 123 




fah (hostile), 88 


geong, 44, 50, 91 


hIeoA'or, 78 




fah (variegated), 88 


geostra, 42 


hliehhan, 94 




fa-Cm, 165 


geotan, 93, 164 


hlinian, 90 




fa^ger, 90, 94 


gerst, 58 


hlud, 78, 89, 177 




fea, 35 


gesewen, 181 


hluttor, 87, 113 




feaid, 119 


(ge)teon, 104 


hlystan, 38, 78 




feallan, ixo 


gcwiss, 173 


hnigon, 105 




fearh, 91 


gicfu, 125 


hob, 29 




fearn, 74 


gierd, 58 


holt, 67 




feawe, in 


giest, 100 


hon, 117 




feax, 94 


gif. 44, "3 


hc^na, 100 




feohtan, no 


gimm, 27 


hord, 58, 109 




feower, 48,140 


gist, 45 


hrafn, 123 




fefier, 72 


glad, 83 


hiidel, 83 




flersen, 51 


gold, 108 


hrider, 83 




fif, 51 


gos, 95, III 


bring, 94 




fifele, 102 


gras, 92 


hiind (dog), 67 




fleon, 86 


grem^ttan, 79 


bund (hundred), 91 




fodor, 30 


grene, 26, 92 


hwa, 100 




fon. III 


grinim, 79, 103 


bvvaSer, 80 




ford, 66 


grom, 79 


bwcrgen, 122 




fdt, 152 


growan, 26, 92 


hweogel, 19, 98 




fraco5, 1 1 3 


guma, 32, 68 


bweol, 98 




fiat, 116 


g>-Iden, 108 


bwosta, 104 




fratewe, 112 




hyd, 21, 94, 165 




frea, 116 


had, 86 


bydan, 58 




freht, 76 


hador, 82 


byll, 61 




fremmian, 62 


halan, 108 


hyrdel, 59, 96 




freo, 116 


harfest, 97 






frignan, 60, 76 


hasel, 30 


ic, 27, 89, 113 




fugol, 32, 126 


hafaff, 106 


Tdel, 143 




f"', 33 


hal, 108 


ieldra, 108 




furh, 65 


hana, loo, 126 


•1,95 




fyllan, 66 


heah, 108 


is, 26, 27, 86 




fyrn, 120 


heall, 61 


iucian, 45 






heals, 30, 61 


iuib, 40 




gad, 58 


hearcl, 86 


iung, 44. 50 




gars, 92 


heawan, 35, 103 






gang, 95, 106 


hgbban, 73, 100, 121 


lanan, 122 





;o8 



Index. 



Icessa, 60 


neaht, 103 


siex, 109 




Iset, 82 


nefa, 73 


siht, 104 




IStan, 82 


neowe, 63 


siolfur, 109 




lam(b), 122 


nest, 31, 109, 173 


sittan, 78 




leah, 37 


niewe, 1 1 1 


sIkc, 54, 123 




lecgan, 106, 121 


nift, 73 


skvpan, 76 




llof, 77 


nigon, 47, 50 


slean, 116 




leoht, 61, 99 


niht, 103 


smeortan, 54 




leon, 98 


nihtegale, 122 


smocc, 183 




leornian, 56 


niman, 27, 139 


snaw, 102 




lettan, 87 


niwe, 1 1 1 


snoru, 52 




liccian, 61, 92 




s65, 86 




licgan, 96 


ost, 87 


sol, 36 




lippe, 72, 77 


oxa, 32 


sot, 138 




lungen, 99 




spser, 56 




lungie, 61, 99 


pinn, 27 


specan, 60 




lytel, 92 




st£e-5, 143 






read, 58 


steorra, IIO 




masst (mast of ship), 82 


reoht, 86, 109 


stigan, 96 




msest (fruit), 87 


rifeling, 60 


stol, 143 




magus, 182 


riht, 109 


stream, 53 




mann, 26, 29, iii 


roccettan, 97 


sucan, 182 




mearg, 173 


rod, 165 


siigan, 182 




med, 58, 87, 113, iSi 


ruber, 113 


sulh, 67 




mene, 30 


rust, 32 


sundor, 122 




menigu, 126 




sum, 68 




meodu, 78 


scegon, 104 


swat, 43, 48 




meoloc, 1 14 


seep, 73, 165 


swefn, 46 




meord, 58, 87, 173 


saston, 138 


sweger, 179 




meox, 95 


sam-, 51 


sweor, 45 




mete, 94 


sawan, 43, 90 


sweord, iii 




micel, 92 


sawon, 104 


sweostor, 48, 50 




midd, 61 


sc(e)adan, 82 


swete, 48, 77 




midde, 122 


sceadu, 130 


swin, 31 




migan, 95 


sceawian, 37, 38, 56, 103 


swurd. III 




mona, 29, 1 1 1 


sclnan, 94 


syllan, 44 




mQnn, 26, 29, iii 


sealfian, 112 


synn, 69, 86 




morS, 64 


seax, 94 






mus, 33 


slogan, 1 01 


ta, 117 




mycel, 92 


sefan, 73 


tacor, 82 




myrge, 102 


sella, 60 


tawe, 112 




mys, 33 


seofon, 68 


tear, 82 






seon, 51, 104, 116 


teohan, 165 




nacod, 100 


seowan, 42 


teen (censure), 94, 1 1 


6 


nagel, 100 


seox, 48, 109 


teon (draw), 87, 117 




nafela, 72 


seten, 138 


tien, 94 




nafu, 72 


setl, 82, 138 


-tig, 94 




nam, 139 


setten, 138 


Tiw, 47 




nasu, 53 


sib, 77 


toS, 68 




nauSer, 132 


sihun, 27, 76 


tredan, 65 





Index. 



309 



treow, 87 


wegan, 88, 92 


wini, 125 


triewe, 50 


wen, 29 


wiodu. III 


triggwa, 50 


weorc, 90 


wis, 138 


tunge, 69 


weorSan, 85 


witan, 87, 138 


twggea, 43 


weoriJe, 17S 


wlisp, 123 




weorold, 108 


wod, 86 


uder, 65, 83 


weorpan, 105, 108 1 


w5den, 86 


uht, III 


wer, 31, 109 1 


woS, 86 




werian, 46, 92 


woSbora, 86 


wast, 173 


wicing, 1S2 


word, 83 


wat, 40, 87, 138 


widewe, 31 


woroldlic, 112 


weeps, 120 


widu, 1 1 1 


wrotan, 123 


wassp, 77, 120 


wid(u)we, 83 


wudu, II I 


waeter, 47 


wielm, 67 


wuht, 1 1 1 


wearm, 96, 106 


wiercan, 43 


wulf, 67, 98, 125, 139 


wearcS, 179 


wierp?>, 108 


wurdon, 177, 178 


weaxan, 114 


wig, 182 


wylm, 67 


w^cccan, 88 


wigant, 103 


wyrcean, 90 


weSer, 79 


wigend, 103 




wefan, 88 


wiht, 1 1 1 


yce, 102 


weft, 88 


wind, 29, 112 

English. 


yrfe, 74 


advance, 134 


causeway, 133 


female, 131 


advantage, 134 


clad, 123 


fish, 133 


amongst, 122 


command, 134 


fret, 116 


ask, 120 


constable, 134 






courage, 134 


glad, 83 


baulk, 77 


crayfish, 133 


goad, 58 


belfry, 133 


cut, 133 


guilty, 134 


^^^11, 133 


cutlet, 133 


gutta percha, 97 


bid (command), 73, 85 






bid (pray), 88 


demand, 134 


harns, 56 
-hood, 86 


bottle, 17 


drake, 69 


bottler, 17 


drove, 130 


humble, 122 


bridegroom, 68 




hundred, 67 


bridge, 108 


egoism, 135 


bright, 120 


egotism, 135 


idle, 143 


brook, I02 


either, 132 
eke, 96 


brother, 180 


incentive, 133 


burd, 119 


elbow, 61 


ir>got> 93 


busk, 47 
butter, 17 


enquire, 134 


inspire, 134 
intend, 134 


butterine, 17 


Fairfax, 94 




button, 17 


farrow, 91 


kidneer, 99 


buttoner, 17 


father, 180 


kidney, 99 


buxom, 17 


1 fault, 131 


kinkhost, 104 


buxomer, 17 


1 faxwax, 94 


1 kite, 99 



lO 



Index. 



lady-day, 135 
lady's maid, 135 
lamb, 122 
lea, 37 
leaf, 130 
leafage, 130 
lend, 122 
lisp, 123 
loaf, 123 

machinist, 135 
male, 132 
measure, 134 
meed, 58, 87 
midst, 122 
moHwarp, 131 
much, 92 
mother, 180 
mowdiewart, 134 
mystery, 133 

nature, 134 
neither, 132 
newt, 42 
nickname, 42 
nightingale, 122 
nimble, 1 39 
nor, 132 

oasthouse, 77, 143 

parable, 134 
pastime, 102 
patron, 130 
patronage, 1 30 
paxwax, 94 



pianist, 135 
pilgrim, 59 
pleasure, 134 

quean, 99 
queen, 99 
quern, 105 
quick, 47, 96 

rash, 85 
raven, 123 

re-, 134 
recount, 134 
refine, 134 
repeal, 134 
reprimand, 134 
root, vb , 123 

sand-ljlind, 51 
sausage, 134 
settle, 82 
shade, 130 
shadow, 130 
shew, 103 
shoplifter, 76, 86 
slot, 97 
smart, 54 
sm.ile, 54 
smirk, 54 
sorcery, 124 
soun, 122 
sound, 122 
sunder, 122 
surgery > 134 
syllable, 134, 
syne, 122, 133 



tardy, 134 
thievery, 134 
thumb, 122 
thunder, 122 
thrall, 103 
throne, 131 
tobacconist, 135 
took, 130 
Tuesday, 47 
turtle, 119 
tyrant, 122 

unco', 90 
uncouth, 90 

visage, 134 

wanhope, 133 
wanton, 133 
wasp, 120 
way, 133 
weary, 134 
weigh, 92 
werwolf, 31 
whilst, 122 
whitlow, 47 
wight (nimble), 103 
wood, 86 
woot, 138 
worth, vb., 85 
wot, 87, 138 
wud, 86 

yard, 58 
yclad, 123 
yellow, 130 
York, 76 



aas, 85 
achsel, 54 
acht, 133 
achten, 133 
alt, 109 
alter, 109 
anke, lOl 
antwort, 130 
auch, 96 



German. 

aue, 47, 104 
auge, 105 

balken, 77 
bart, 74, 165 
befriedigen, 135 
bequem, 10 1 
bergen, 133 
besonders, 122 



bett, 83 
bewegen, 88 
biegen, 37 
bieten, 73, 85 
bin, 131, 165 
binden, 80 
birke, 76 
bischof, 118 
bitten, 88 



Index. 



311 



boden, 73 
brannte, 109 
brauchen, 102 
braue, 116 
briiutigam, 32 
biechen, 95 
brennen, 109 
buche, 76, 143 

(lachte, 64 
<l;immerun<;, 53 
(lecken, 165 
des vaters, 135 
doch, 96 
donncr, 139 
dritte, 86 
dulden, 67 

eber, 76 
echt, 133 
eck, 94 
ehe, 47, 133 

ei, 133 
eiland, 133 
einbeissen, 119 
eitel, 143 
elle, 61 

cmpfinden, 1 19 
ente, 69, 86 
erbe, 74 
erde, no 
erle, 55 
ernte, 55 
essig, 120 
euter, 65, 83 

faden, 165 
feder, 72 
fegen, 94 
fehde, 88 
fehe, 88 
ferkel, 91 
ferse, 51 
finster, 53 
firn, 120 
fliegc, 130 
tliegen, no 
fliegst, 130 
fliegt, 130 
fliehen, 86 



(bhrc, 65 
forschcn, 60, 89 
fresscn, 1 16 
friede, 133 
frohn, 116 
fromm, 62 
fuhr, 109 
fiihrc, 109 
fiillen, 66 
fiinf, 104 
fiir, 120 
fuss, 152 
flitter (case), 30 
flitter (food), 85 

galle, 103, 165 
garen, 45 
garn, 92 
gast, 100 
gebiiren, 139 
geiss, 95 
gelb, 50 
gerte, 58, 165 
gewiss, 85 
geziehen, 179 
gezogen, 179 
giessen, 93, 165 
glatt, 83 
grimm, 103 
griin, 92 

hachse, 100 
hader, 85 
hahn, 100 
hauen, 103 
haus, 109 
hauser, 109 
haut, 21, 94, 165 
heben, 73 
heclise, 100 
-heit, 86 
heiter, 82 
herbst, 97 
herde, no 
lierz, 65 
himbeere, 119 
him, 56 
hirtc, no 
hoch, 130 
hoffart, 119 



hiJher, 130 
huldigen, 135 
hund, 91 
hundert, 67 
hiirde, 59 
husten, 104 

jgel. 95 
imbiss, n9 
irden, no, 125 
irgend, 122 
irren, 60 

je, 122 

joch, 45 

kalb, 77, 109 
kiillier, 109 
keck, 47, 96 
kehle, 67, 102 
kiesen, 36, 90, 139 
kitt, 97 
knie, 95, 165 
kommen, loi 
konnen, 90 
korn, 95 
kraft, 109 
krafte, 109 
kuh, 97 
-kunft, 85 
kunst, 86 

lachen, 94 
land, 133 
lass, 82 
lassen, 82, 87 
laut, 89 
laiiter, 87 
legen, 106 
lehnen, 90 
leicht, 99 
leihen, 98 
lelzen, 87 
lieb, 77 

liebosschmerz, 135 
licgen, 96 
lippe, 72 
lunge, 99 
lungern, 99 



12 



Index. 



marmel, 119 
mast, 87 
maul, 134 
maulwurf, 133 
maus, 33 
messer, 94 
meth, 79 

miethe, 58, 87, 113 
mist, 95 
mochte, 109 
mochte, 109 
mord, 64 
mutter, 112 

nabe, 72 
nabel, 72 
nagel, 100 
neffe, 73 
nehmen, 139 
neigen, 106 
neu, 63 
niere, 99 

ohne, 122 

pflegen, 105 

rasch, 85 
rauh, 130 
rauspern, 97 
recht, 86 
rein, 83 
reinigen, 135 
reiter, 83 
ruthe, 165 

saft, 73, 165 
saule, 42 
schauen, 38, 103 
scheinen, 94 
scheiten, 82 
schliessen, 97 



schloss, 97 
schmerzen, 54, 123 
schnee, 102 
schnitt, 130 
schnitten, 130 
schnur, 52 
schwiiher, 45 
schweiss, 43 
schwester, 50 
sehen, 104 
sessel, 82 
sicht, 104 
singriin, 133 
sitzen, 78 
sondern, 122 
spahen, 73 
staden, 143 
steigen, 96 
stuhl, 143 
sunde, 86, 133 
sundflut, 133 
siiss, 77 

tfig, 79. 95 
thai, 33 
that, 143 
thun, 143 
thtir, 165 
tochter, 135 
toll, 49 
traum, 109 
triiumt, 109 
treten, 65 
triigen, 97 
turteltaube, 119 

unke, 102 
"Ppig, 77 

vergessen, 98 
vernehmen, 85 
vernunft, 85 



vier, 104 
vogel, 32 
vor, no 

wachsen, 114 
wahn, 133 
wahnsinn, 133 
wan, 133 
was, loi 
weben, 88 
wecken, 88 
wegen, 92 
weigand, 103 
weis, 138 
weiss, 87, 138 
werden, 85 
werfen, 105 
werk, 90 
werwolf, 31 
widder, 79 
wimper, 119 
wirken, 43, 90 
wissen, 87, 138 
wittwe, 83 
wolfin, 105 
(ge)worden, no 
wort, 83, 130 
wurden, no 
wuth, 86 

zahn, 68 

zahre, 82 

zeche, 104 

zehe, 117 

zehn, 94 

zeihen, 94 

zer-, 79 

zicht, 89 

Ziehen, 87, n7 165, 179 

ziemen, 85 

zunft, 85 

zunge, 09 



The English Words in Chapters VIII. and IX. 



ache, 278, 279 
adder, 245, 286 
ado, 290 
adze, 290 



afford, 280 
against, 291 
ajar, 278 
alder, 286 



ale, 208 
all, 209 
alms, 209, 290 
am, 217 



Index. 



o'o 



among, 207 
amongst, 291 
anent, 282, 291 
anon, 241 
answer, 279, 291 
ant, 246, 2S6 
anthem, 2S2, 290 
anvil, 290 
are, 209 
ark, 278 
arrow, 208, 291 
ask, 241, 27S 
ate, 245 
auger, 282, 286 
aught, 241 
awl, 209 
axe, 291 

bad, 2 86 
bade, 208 
bale, 274 
ban, 274 
bare, 209 
barley, 278 
barn, 219 
bass, 288 
bath, 280 
bathe, 20S, 280 
baths, 280 
baulk, 209 
be, 257 
beacon, 254 
beard, 209 
beast, 274 
beat, 257 
beauty, 274 
beckon, 250 
been, 257 
before, 230 
begin, 282 
behest, 290, 291 
behind, 226 
behove, 265 
belief, 254, 281 
believe, 251 
beneath, 280 
bench, 291 
bequeath, 280 
beseech, 278 
best, 290 



bier, 246 

bill, 225, 274 
bind, 277 
birch, 226 
bird, 226 
bittern, 287 
bladder, 245 
blast, 246 
bless, 250, 290 
blind, 276 
blossom, 265, 290 
blow, 265 
board, 230 
bodice, 290 
body, 230 
boil (noun), 271 
boil (verb), 272, 274 
bore, 209 
bosom, 264 
bough, 265 
bought, 230 
bound, 286 
bow, 269. 2S4 
bower, 269 
bowl, 230 
braid, 218 
brake, 209 
bramble, 250 
brass, 289 
brazen, 289 
break, 218 
breast, 257 
breath, 245, 280 
breathe, 246, 280 
breeches, 250 
briar, 250 
bridegroom, 288 
bridge, 283 
bright, 218 
broad, 241 
broke, 209 
brook, 269 
broth, 230 
brother, 264 
brought, 285 
brow, 269 
bruise, 251 
build, 237 
bull, 274 
liuUock, 234 



bundle, 237 
burden, 238, 280 
burial, 290 
burn, 218 
bury, 238 
busy, 237 
but, 269 
buy, 271 
by, 262, 274 

calf, 286 

came, 265 

care, 277 

castle, 209, 291 

cause, 274 

chafer, 281 

chaffer, 287 

chapman, 253 

cheek, 277 

child, 226, 277 

chin, 277 

choke, 230 

choose, 254, 258, 289 

chose, 289 

Christendom, 261 

Christmas, 291 

church, 226, 278 

churl, 218, 277 

clay, 245, 284 

clean, 277 

cleave, 257 

clew, 258 

cloak, 274 

cloths, 280 

coach, 278 

coal, 277 

cobweb, 287 

cock, 278 

comb, 209 

come, 277 

cool, 277 

copper, 230 

cough, 230 

could, 269, 280 

coulter, 235 

cove, 281 

cow, 277 

cress, 288 

crumb, 286 

crutch, 237 



314 



Index. 



cry, 274 
cud, 225 
curse, 234 

dale, 208 
dare, 209 
darling, 258 
daughter, 231 
day, 274 
deaf, 281 
dear, 258 
death, 253 
deer, 258 
deft, 207 
degree, 274 
delay, 274 
dew, 254, 274 
ditch, 261, 277 
dizzy, 290 
do, 265 
dock, 230 
-dom, 264 
door, 235 
doth, 264 
dough, 241 
doughty, 238 
draw, 209, 274 
dread, 245 
drew, 265 
dross, 286 
drought, 269 
drove, 241 
drown, 234. 278 
dry, 271, 2S4 
dumb, 277 
dust, 269 
dwarf, 219, 285 
dwelled, 279 
dwelt, 279 
dwindle, 2S6 
dye, 250 

each, 245, 2S6 
earl, 218 
earn, 208 
earnest, 291 
earth, 218, 2S0 
east, 254, 274 
eaves, 290 
eel, 246 



eight, 208 
either, 245 
eke, 250, 254 
eleven, 286 
elf, 217 
ell, 286 
emmet, 286 
empty, 286 
England, 2S6 
enough, 264, 284 
ere, 246 
errand, 245 
Essex, 290 
even, 218, 245 
ever, 245 
every, 278 
evil, 238 
ewe, 219 
exercise, 289 
exert, 289 
eye, 254, 284 
eyot, 250, 280 

farther, 235 

farthing, 258 

fasten, 291 

fat, 245 

father, 279, 281 

fear, 246 

fee, 218, 286 

feel, 251 

feet, 251 

fell, 257 

fern, 208 

fen-y, 217, 274 

fiddle, 225, 280 

fifty, 281 

fight, 218 

filth, 271 

fire, 271 

five, 262 

flea, 254 

flew, 254 

flitch, 278 

flood, 264 

floor, 266 

flown, 230 

flutter, 229 

fly (noun), 257 

fly (verb), 257, 284 



foal, 230 
fodder, 265 
folk, 230, 286 
foot, 264 
forehead, 253 
forth, 230 
forty, 258 
fought, 209 
four, 258 
freeze, 289 
fresh, 278, 288 
fret, 291 
friday, 284 
friend, 257 
fright, 238 
frost, 230 
full, 234, 274 
furlong, 269 
furrow, 234 
further, 38 

game, 286 
garden, 284 
garlic, 241 
gate, 282 
gather, 279 
gave, 208 
gear, 209 

geese, 251, 274,282, 289 
get, 282 
ghastly, 246 
ghost, 282 
gild, 282 
girth, 282 
give, 282 
glad, 282 
glass, 289 
glaze, 289 
glazier, 2S9 
glimpse, 286 
goat, 282 
god, 230 
gold, 282 
goose, 265 
gorse, 290 
goshawk, 265 
gospel, 279 
gossip, 277, 279 
got, 208 
1 grass, 209, 288, 289 



Index. 



3'o 



gray, 245 
graze, 2S9 
great, 254 
Greenwich, 278 
grey, 245, 284 
grisly, 261 
grist, 261 
ground, 276 
grovel, 269 
guest, 217, 282 
guilt, 237 

hail, 208 
hair, 246 
hale, 241 
half, 209, 2S6 
hallow, 241 
halter, 208 
hand, 208 
handiwork, 284 
hare, 209 
hark, 251 
hart, 219 
harvest, 209, 282 
has, 289 
hasp, 290 
hawk, 209, 282 
hay, 250 
hazel, 289, 290 
he, 250 

head, 253, 2b'2 
hear, 251 
heard, 250 
hearken, 251 
hearth, 219 
heat, 254 
heavy, 217 
heel, 250 
heifer, 253 
height, 250 
held, 237 
hemlock, 23S 
hemp, 287 
henchman, 284 
hep, 257 
her, 226 
herd, 218 
here, 251 
hew, 254 
hid, 271 



hie, 262, 284 
high, 254 
hill, 285 
hind, 262 
hip, 257 
hire, 271 
his, 289 
hither, 279 
hoar, 241 
hoarse, 290 
hole, 230 
holiday, 241 
holly, 230, 2S6 
honey, 284 
honour, 274 
hook, 264 
horehound. 286 
hornet, 238 
hot, 241 
hough, 265 
hound, 234 
house, 289 
houses, 289 
hove, 265 
how, 269 
hue, 258 
hung, 250 
hustings, 280 

I, 226, 278 
ice, 289 
icicle, 283 
if, 283 
iron, 262 
iron-mould, 279 
is, 289 
island, 290 
itch, 283 

keen, 277 
kernel, 238 
key, 246, 277 
kind, 238 
kindred, 2S6 
kirk, 278 
kiss, 277, 289 
knell, 238 
knew, 258 
knoll, 230 
knowledge, 241, 27S 



ladder, 245 

lady, 245, 2S2 

lair, 219 

lanimas, 282 

lank, 208 

lark, 241, 291 

last, 246, 290 

lath, 290 

laths, 280 

later, 208 

lather, 253 

laugh, 219 

laughter, 285 

lay, 209, 218 

lea, 286 

leant, 279 

learn, 218 

leather, 217 

leek, 254 

leer, 258 

left, 238 

lend, 286 

lent, 278 

less, 244, 253 

lest, 280 

let, 245 

lewd, 246 

lice, 271 

lie, 257, 284 

lief, 257 

life, 281 

light, 257 

limb, 286 

lime, 279 

linch-pin, 290 

linen, 261 

lisp, 291 

lissom, 282 

little, 271 

loaf, 241 

loan, 245 

loath, 280 

loathe, 280 

lobster, 287 

long, 208, 282 

loom, 265 

lord, 241, 282, 2S5 

lore, 241 

lose, 258 

love, 234 



i6 



Index. 



lye, 254, 284 

made, 278 
man, 208, 274 
many, 207, 284 
mar, 219 
mare, 219 
mark, 209 
mass, 208 
match, 217 
may, 208, 284 
me, 250 
meadow, 245 
meal, 246 
mean, 245 
mere, 219 
merry, 238 
messenger, 2S7 
met, 250 
mice, 289 
might, 208 
milch, 291 
mill, 237 
mince, 289 
mingle, 217 
minnow, 237 
mistletoe, 286 
moan, 245 
mole, 241 
monday, 264 
-monger, 207 
month, 264 
moor, 265 
morrow, 230, 284 
most, 245 
moth, 281 
mother, 264, 279 
mould, 230 
mourn, 235 
mouse, 269, 274, 289 
mouth, 269, 280 
mouths, 280 
much, 225, 278, 286 
murder, 230, 280 
mussel, 278 
must, 264 

nature, 291 
naught, 241 
near, 254 



neigh, 245, 284 
neither, 245 
nettercap, 287 
new, 258 
newfangled, 279 
newt, 219, 2S2, 287 
nickname, 287 
night, 285 
nightingale, 286 
nine, 226, 284 
nit, 285 
nonce, 287 
none, 241 
nor, 241 
Norwich, 281 
nostril, 280 
not, 286 
numb, 286 

oak, 241, 274 
oakum, 277 
oath, 241 
oaths, 280 
of, 281 
often, 229 
old, 209 
on, 230, 274 
one, 241 
ooze, 265, 291 
or, 241, 281 
orchard, 284 
ore, 265 
other, 264 
ought, 241 
our, 269 
over, 230 
owl, 269 
own, 241, 284 
ox, 230 

paddle, 290 
paddock, 288 
passenger, 287 
path, 209 
paths, 280 
pea, 290 
pease, 218, 290 
pebble, 287 
penny, 286 
peril, 274 



periwinkle, 287 
pitch, 278 
play, 218 
plight, 226 
plough, 265 
plum, 269 
plunge, 274 
pound, 269, 286 
pretty, 207 
pride, 290 
priest, 257 
proud, 290 

queen, 278 
quench, 278 
quoth, 207 

race, 241 
raid, 241 
rain, 218, 284 
ran, 208 
rather, 209 
raven, 281 
raw, 254 
read (past), 245 
read (infin. ), 246 
reap, 218 
rear, 246 
rede, 245 
reft, 279 
retch, 245 
rich, 278 
rick, 253 
rid, 217 

riddle, 244, 290 
right, 218 
rime, 285 
rise, 289 
road, 241 
rode, 241 
rood, 265 
room, 269 
root (verb), 291 
rose, 2S9 
rough, 269 
round, 286 
row, 265 
rudder, 264, 280 
rue (verb), 258 
run, 234, 274 



Index. 



Z^l 



rush, 225 
rye, 238, 284 

said, 207 

sail, 218 

sang, 208 

saw, 209, 284 

scale, 208, 274 

scent, 288 

score, 230 

scythe, 262, 288 

sea, 245 

seal, 218 

sea-mew, 246 

see, 257 

seek, 278 

seethe, 257 

sew, 257 

shake, 278 

shambles, 286 

she, 257, 279, 290 

shed, 241 

sheer, 246 

sheriff, 250, 261, 28 1 

shew, 254 

shield, 218 

shire, 262 

shod, 265 

shoe, 265 

shone, 241 

shook, 264 

shoot, 258 

should, 230, 286 

shove, 269 

shovel, 229 

show, 254 

shrew, 254 

shut, 237 

sick, 257, 275 

sieve, 225 

sight, 280 

silk, 225 

silly, 244 

since, 281 

sing, 282 

singe, 279, 283 

sister, 217 

six, 217 

slain, 208, 284 

slaughter, 209 



slay, 20S 

slew, 265 

sloth, 245 

slough, 265 

slumber, 286 

smooth, 265, 2S0 

snare, 209 

sneak, 262 

sneeze, 257 

snow, 241 

so, 241, 291 

soft, 266 

son, 234 

song, 20S 

sorry, 241 

sought, 266 

sour, 269 

sow, 234, 241, 257, 284 

sparrow, 208, 291 

speak, 218, 28S 

spear, 219 

speech, 246, 288 

spew, 262 

spider, 280 

spindle, 286 

spot, 286 

spouse, 274 

spue, 262 

spur, 230 

staff, 281 

stair, 246 

stalwart, 280 

steal, 218 

steep, 254 

steer, 251 

stem, 282 

stern, 218, 257 

steward, 262 

stir, 238 

stirrup, 261 

stool, 265, 274 

stoop, 269 

straw, 219, 254 

strew, 219 

strip, 250 

sty, 226 

such, 278, 286 

Suffolk, 281 

sun, 289 

sure, 279 



Surrey, 280 
Sussex, 281, 290 
swaddle, 280 
swallow, 291 
sware, 265 
swarthy, 290 
swathe, 21S 
swear, 219 
sweat, 245 
sweep, 241 
swerve, 218 
sword, 219, 291 
swore, 266 
sworn, 230 

tarry, 217 
taught, 246, 285 
teach, 278 
tear, 254 
tease, 245 
-teen, 251 
teeth, 251 
than, 230 
thane, 218 
that, 280 
thaw, 241 
the, 280 
thee, 250 
theft, 250 
their, 219 
then, 230, 2S0 
thence, 207 
there, 246, 280 
these, 226 
they, 280 
thigh, 257 
thimble, 286 
third, 2S8 
thirst, 289 
thirteen, 254 
thirty, 226 
thong, 291 
thorough, 234 
thou, 269 
though, 254, 2S0 
thrash, 217 
threaten, 253 
thresh, 217 
threw, 25S 
thrice, 262 



3i8 



Index. 



through, 235 
thrush, 237 
thrust, 271 
thumb, 269, 2S6 
thunder, 286 
thursday, 269 
tie, 250, 284 
tilt, 219 
tine, 279 
tippet, 207 
tire, 21S 
tithe, 257 
titmouse, 241 
to, 264 
together, 207 
told, 209 
too, 265 
tooth, 265 
tough, 264, 2S5 
tree, 257 
trim, 237 
troth, 257 
trough, 230 
trow, 257 
true, 258 
truth, 258 
truths, 2S0 
tuesday, 262 
twain, 250 
twit, 261 
two, 241 

uncouth, 269 
unkempt, 277 
upholsterer, 279 
upon, 234 
us, 269 

vane, 282 
vat, 282 
veil, 274 
verdure, 279 
vinewed. 2S2 
vixen, 282 

waist, 208 
walk, 286 



wallow, 208 
wander, 208 
wanion, 279 
ward, 207 
warm, 209 
was, 208, 289 
wasp, 290 
wassail, 286 
waste, 250 
water, 209 
wave, 245 
way, 218, 274 
we, 250 
weak, 218 
wean, 218 
weary, 251 
weather, 279 
web, 277 
Wednesday, 264 
week, 226 
weevil, 226 
weight, 226 
weird, 238 
welkin, 230 
Welsh, 217 
wench, 286 
were, 245 
wet, 245 
wheel, 257 
wheeze, 289 
whelk, 285 
whereof, 281 
which, 278, 286 
while, 262 
whiles, 291 
whilst, 291 
whit, 285 
who, 241, 285 
whole, 285 
why, 271 
wield, 21S 
wife, 281 
wimple, 287 
winnow, 279 
wise, 289 
with, 280 
woke, 265 



wolf, 234, 281 
wolves, 282 
woman, 262 
womb, 209 
women, 261 
wont, 235, 279 
woo, 265, 284 
wood, 234 
woodbine, 279 
woof, 265 
wool, 234 
word, 230 
work, 218 
world, 230 
worm, 238 
worship, 281 
worst, 238 
worth, 218 
worry, 237 
would, 230, 286 
wound, 235 
wrath, 246, 281 
wreaths, 280 
wrest, 244 
Wright, 288 
wrist, 281 

yarn, 282 

yate, 282 

yawn, 219 

yclept, 284 

ye, 250 

yea, 245 

yeast, 218 

yellow, 217, 2S2, 291 

yes, 225 

yesterday, 217 

yew, 258 

yield, 282 

yoke, 230 

yolk, 218, 286 

yore, 254 

you, 258 

your, 258 

youth, 258 

yule, 258 



TLRNBULL AND SPEARS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH. 



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